Chapter 37. Events relating to Cecilia and her Basilica throughout the Eighteenth Century

It is refreshing to return from the field of controversy and rest for a moment under the shadow of our dear Basilica, so justly proud of its noble treasure. In the first half of the eighteenth century, it was entrusted to two titulary Cardinals, who gloried in imitating the munificence of Paul Emilius Sfondrato. The first was Francis Aquaviva, born of an illustrious Neapolitan family. Before receiving the purple, he had occupied with distinction several important offices of the Eoman Court. He was sent as Nuncio to Spain, where he faithfully fulfilled the duties of his elevated and important mission. He was residing in that country when the war of the Succession broke out. Aquaviva embraced the cause of Philip V., who reposed such confidence in his devotedness and firmness, that at one time, when he was trembling for his crown, he entrusted to the Nuncio's care the Queen Maria Louisa of Savoy. Aquaviva, with an escort of five hundred cavaliers, traversed the hostile territory, and never left the queen until he had placed her in safety from the scene of war*

Created Cardinal by Clement on the 17th of Mayu 1706, he was at first appointed Titulary of St. Bartholomew's Church on the island; but three years after > he changed this church for that of St. Cecilia, on account of his great devotion to this holy Martyr. The Basilica at this period needed a restoration which Aquaviva executed according to the prevailing taste. Sfondrato had at one time conceived the idea of concealing the wood work of the nave by a rich soffit, ornamented with gilded panels and paintings; but he was deterred by the fear that the columns were not sufficiently strong to support this additional weight. Aquaviva made the experiment and succeeded perfectly. The soffit, which still exists, was

• Gtuarnaooi, tome li., p. 73.

painted and decorated by Sebastian Conca * Unfortunately it was impossible to execute the plan without nearly destroying the antique and venerable aspect of the Basilica. The columns were totally concealed by heavy masonry, and the nave was transformed into a series of arches. The triumphal arch was sacrificed together with its mosaics; and the paintings representing the succession of the Popes, and scenes from the Old and New Testament, painted by order of Psfechal and restored by Sfondrato, were irretrievably annihilated "to the deep regret of the amateurs of venerable antiquity," says Marangoni, who witnessed this deplorable ruin. This same author likewise tells us that the antique inscriptions forming the pavement, many of which were Christian, wrere pitilessly destroyed.f This restoration, m which might have been more wisely planned, was nevertheless a testimony of the Cardinal's devotion to Saint Cecilia. He faithfully prayed at the martyr's tomb, and had the consolation of seeing his own mother and his niece join the community of religious who took charge of this sanctuary. He wras so renowned for his piety towards the illustrious virgin, that the Queen of Spain desiring to offer him a present as a proof of her esteem and gratitude, sent him a picture of St. Cecilia which she had painted herself.^

• Platner and Bunsen err in attributing the destruction of the portico paintings, and the taking away of the ambons, to the two Cardinals Aquaviva.

| Non senza dolore degliamanti della venerabile antichita. Marangoni Cose gentilesche ad uso delle chiese, p. 311.

t For this fact see Laderchi in his dedicatory epistle of the Acts of St. Cecilia to the same Cardinal.

The great works undertaken in the Basilica by- Paul Emilius Sfondrato, had inspired Bosio with the idea of editing his Acts of St. Cecilia; the labors of Francis Aquaviva suggested to James Laderchi of the Roman Oratory, the thought of offering the Cardinal a more complete life of the holy Martyr. His intention was to insert, century by century, all that had been written concerning St. Cecilia, the whole to be comprised in three quarto volumes ; only the first two appeared. They are entitled : S. Caeciliae Virginiset Marty ris Acta et trans-Tiberina Basilica, sseculorum singulorum monumentis asserta et illustrata, 1723. The author reproduces Bosio's work, literally introducing, in chronological order, all the documents and quotations which refer to his subject. This work, which has become very rare even in Italy, is remarkable for its typographical beauty ; it is much to be regretted that the two volumes given to the public, do not bring us down to the Invention of Cecilia's body in 1599. The notes added by the compiler, are unfortunately few in number. The third volume was intended to embrace many details, the loss of which we must deeply regret. Notwithstanding this, Laderchi merits, by this important compilation, a distinguished place among the authors who have dedicated their efforts to the glory of Saint Cecilia. Two years had scarcely elapsed after the publication of the first volume of this work, when Francis Aquaviva died, on the eighth of January, 1725. He had been elevated to the Suburbioary Bishopric of Sabina ; but Benedicl XIIL had permitted him to retain in commcmlam, as Paul Kmilius

29*

Sfondrato had done, the Presbyterial Title of St Cecilia. Aquaviva was interred in this Church near his uncle, Cardinal Octavio who had been Titulary of the Basilica in the preceding century. The following epitaph was placed over his tomb :

FRANCISVS S. E. E. CARDINALIS DE ACQVAYIVA

ET ARAGONIA EPlSCOPVS SABINENSIS

HVIVS ECCLESI^E COMMENDATARIVS

SACRIQVE CCENOBII

AC OMNIVM HISPANIC REGNORVM

APVD SANCTAM SEDEM PROTECTOR.

IN TEMPLO DECOREM DILEXIT ET AVXIT.

PROPE CARDINALIS OCTAVII

PATRVI SVI CINERES HIC MONVMENTYM

SIBI VIVENS POSVIT

ANNO IVBILiEI MDCCXXV.

OBIIT DIE VIII. MENSIS JANVARII MDCCXXV.

JETATIS SV^E AN. LIX. MENS. XI. DIE. XXV.

Trojano Aqua viva, a nephew of Francis, was promoted to the Cardinalate by Clement XII., on the 1st October, 1732. The same Pope appointed him Titulary of St. Cecilia.* He appears to have continued the works commenced by his uncle in the Basilica ; it is certain that the exterior porch, which was constructed upon the plan of Ferdinand Fuga, is due to his munificence.f The porch is quite modern, but not wanting in grandeur. We should at least give credit to the different restorers of the Basilica, for having respected the old brick cupola

• He died on the 21st of March. 1747, and was buried in the Church of St. Cecilia.

t Platner and Bunsen, tome iii. p. 639.

which towers above all their modern constructions, as a memorial of the devotion of the middle age towards Cecilia. They have also faithfully preserved the interior arrangement of the edifice, which even since the taking away of the ambons and the substituting of arcades for columns, bears a strong resemblance to the Christian Churches of the primitive ages.

In the year, 1729, the sanctuary of St. Cecilia, on the Campus Martius, attracted the attention of the Eoman Pontiff. The little Church was falling into ruins ; it needed rebuilding. Benedict XIIL, who proved his devotion to the Saints by many monuments still existing in Eome, was unwilling to yield to another the honor of laying the corner stone of the new edifice. In thus venerating the dwelling where Cecilia had passed her youth, he thought it his duty to favor the devotion testified by a confraternity in honor of St. Blaise, to one of the altars of this Church. The Pontiff ordered that the new temple should be placed under the joint invocation of St. Cecilia and St. Blaise; and as if to prove, that in admitting another Saint to share the honor of the great Martyr, he intended no disparagement to the latter, he decided that the Church should bear the name of the Queen of Virgins. From that time, it was called: Santa Maria del divino amove: An inscription placed in the nave of this Church, records the Pontiff's intention. It is as follows :

BENEDICTO XIII. l'ONT. OPT. MAX.

QVOD

PATEliNAM DIVA!: OAECILIAB DOMVM

IN EIVSDEM VIRGINIS ET MARTYRIS HONOREM

ET DIVI BLASSTI DICTAM

KNIVBIA TEMPORVM PEXE COLLAPSAM

IACTO SOLEMNITER PRIMO LAPIDE

DIE XXV. IVLII. ANNO MDCCXXIX.

A FVN DA MENTIS RESTITVERIT

ET DEIPARAE MARIAE SACRAM QVOQVE

IN POSTERVM ESSE IVSSERIT.*

The Pontiff removed to the sacristy, the charming fresco of the fifteenth century, which we have already mentioned; as well as a marble tablet discovered in 1504, in rebuilding the principal altar of this sanctuary. This tablet bore an inscription, attesting a consecration of the Church of St. Cecilia de domo, on the Campus Martius, in the year 1131, probably the period at which it was rebuilt. The zeal of the pious confraternity, which assembled in this church, led it to perpetuate the memory of these facts :

VETVSTISSIMAM IMAGINEM

AC LAPIDEM HVNC CONSECRATIONIS

ANTIQVAE HVIVS ECCLESIAE

S. CAECILIAE VIRG-. ET Iff.

ANNO MCXXXI PERACTAE TESTEM

SVB EIVSDEM ARA MAXIMA

ANNO MDIV REPERTVM

BENEDICTVS XIII P. M. ORD. PRAEDICAT.

• To Benedict XIII. a great and good Pontiff, for having rebuilt the paternal dwelling of S. Cecilia, consecrated in honor of this Virgin and of St. Blaise ; for having on the 25th of July, 1729, solemnly laid the first stone, the ancient edifice having been almost entirely destroyed by the ravages of time ; and for having decreed that the Church should, henceforth be dedicated to Mary, the Mother of God

LIFE OF SAINT CECTLTA. 3g5

ANNO MDCCXXIX HVG TRANSFERRI MANDAVIT *

Another glorious fact relating to St. Cecilia and proving at the same time the homage rendered by- France to the great martyr, may be referred to the year 1741. Our readers have not forgotten the mysterious tomb of the Callistus Cemetery, where Cecilia reposed for six centuries, until Paschal transferred her remains to the trans-Tiberian Basilica. This humble cell, excavated horizontally in the tufo, was lined with four slabs of white marble. In 1741, the upper one, which had been solidly fastened to the stone with a thick coating of lime, was the only one left.

Paul Hippolytede Bovilliers, Duke of St. Aignan, Ambassador from the King of France to the Holy See, in his ardent devotion to St. Cecilia, solicited and obtained from Benedict XIV., the favor of removing to his private chapel in France, this piece of marble, which had been sanctified by the presence of the virgin's body. The marble was respectfully detached in presence of two learned Eoman archaeologists, Boldetti and Marangoni, and presented to the Duke of St. Aignan. Guadagni, the Cardinal Vicar, affixed his seal to it ;f and the precious monu-

• Benedict XIII., the Sovereign Pontiff, transferred this painting to this place, as well as the stone attesting the consecration of this antique church of St. Cecilia, Virgin and Martyr, in the year 1131 ; the stone was discovered in 1504, under the main altar.

f The marble was in two pieces, having probably been fractured in detaching it from the wall. It was a Little over live feet long, and somewhat more than two feel broad.

36(5 LIFK OF SAINT CECILIA.

ment was carried to France, and deposited in the chapel of a castle, belonging to the family of Bovilliers, where it is still preserved. We find the preceding facts in a document of great interest under the name of Cardinal Guadagni * We are most happy to mention these testimonies of the piety of France towards St. Cecilia, at a period when Jansenism was endeavoring to blot out her very memory from among us.

Tillemont's principles were carried to scandalous lengths by Adrian Baillet, in his " Lives of the Saints,'' published in 1701. A prudent and learned writer recently said, in regard to certain insinuations by which Baillet seemed desirous of sapping the truth of evangelical facts: " These assertions would be sufficient to create serious doubts respecting the orthodoxy of the writer, if it were not notorious that he has frequently sacrificed historical truth to the interest of the sect whose principles he advocates ; and were it not also well known that by his bold freedom of thought and expression, he prepares the minds of his partisans for open infidelity."f

This is not the place to examine the character of

. Baillet's genius, such as we find it in his biographies of Descartes,;]: Eicher,§ and in his account of the difficulties between Boniface VIII. and Philip the

Fair;|| nor to speak of his work upon " Devotion to

• See the certificate in Marangoni, Cose gentilesche ad uso delle Chiese, page 426-429.

t Unpublished Memoirs upon the Apostolate of St. Mary Magdalen, vol. ii. p. 154.

X 1691. Two volumes in 4°

§ 1714. " " " 12°

I 1717. " " " 12° the Blessed Virgin, and the veneration which should be paid her ;"* but we must acknowledge that his " Lives of the Saints," replete with erudition and with errors, influenced the public much more than the Memoirs of Tillemont. Although all the works of Baillet are on the Eoman Index, this author still ranks in France as the highest authority in all matters pertaining to hagiography. Happily, his influence has been somewhat lessened in our days by the translation of Alban Butler's " Lives of the Saints."

Baillet's article upon St. Cecilia, is nothing more than a violent tirade, in which he reproduces with his accustomed acrimony, the objections of Tillemont. We would fear to soil our pages by quoting his contemptuous and disdainful expressions in speaking of a Spouse and Martyr of Christ, whose name is daily pronounced in the Holy Sacrifice. Baillet mentions, however, Sfondrato's discovery of Cecilia's body, and declares that the account of this discovery, is the most ancient record we have of her. But he relates the circumstances of this event in a very abridged manner ; frequently deviating from the truth, as if he feared to meet with some confirmation of the Acts whose authority he wished to destroy.f

• 1694. Two volumes in 12° f The only argument produced by him against the Acts, and neglected by Tillemont, consists in saying: "That the Roman Calendar arranged under Pope Liberius, about the middle of the fourth century, makes no mention of Cecilia ; which show-/' he adds, "that she did not sutler martyrdom in Rome." It is easy to prove that this objection has no weight. This Calendar, although very valuable, does not represent the oomplete Martyrology of the Roman Church in the fourth century. It is true that Cecilia is not mentioned; but neither are the holy Topes

But the influence of Tillemont and Bailiet produced one fatal result which they had not probably anticipated. Not only, thanks to their efforts, did the name of St. Cecilia lose in France the aureole of glory which had hitherto surrounded it, but the moment had arrived when even the Liturgy took part in this singular conspiracy against the holy martyr.

Until then, the Eoman tradition of the Divine Office had held full sway in France, and, consequently, the glory of Cecilia shone with undiminished lustre within the precincts of the Church. But in the eighteenth century, the French Liturgy was revised, and all those saints excluded who were not honorably mentioned by Tillemont and Bailiet.

In 1680, the Archbishop of Paris, F?anoois de Harley, had appointed a committee to correct the Breviary of his church. The Abbe Chastelain, who was the soul of this committee, insisted upon retaining the record of St. Cecilia's life, with the Anthems and Eesponses taken from her Acts. This will not appear strange, if we remember the intimacy existing between Chastelain and Father Papebrook, both bold critics, but far removed from the scandalous audacity of the Jansenistic school. The Jesuits of Anvers, as we before stated, had pronounced in favor

Linus, Cletus, Evaristus, Alexander, Telesphorus, Hyginus, Anicetus, Soter, Eleutherius, etc., nor the holy martyrs Processus and Martinian, Nereus and Achilleus, Primus and Felicianus, Marcellinus and Peter, Boniface, Chrysogonus, etc., nor the holy virgins, Flavia, Domitilla, Petronilla, Prisca, Praxedes, Pudentiana, etc., nor the holy women Symphorosa, Felicitas, etc. Bailiet agrees, nevertheless, that all these saints belonged to the Church of Rome.

LIFE OF SAINT CECILIA. 3G9 of our Acts, that they were both ancient and genuine. Owing to the influence of these two learned and strong-minded men, the record of St. Cecilia's life was retained in the Parisian Liturgy.*

But when this generation of learned men had descended into the tomb, and when the Church of Paris had called upon sectaries to revise her Breviary, all the Catholic traditions relating to St. Cecilia were sacrificed. The instincts of the sect and the oracles of Port Eoyal, required it. The Parisian Breviary of 1736, contained a record of St. Cecilia's life, which was successively introduced into the greater number of the Dioceses of France. In it, the actions of St. Cecilia are passed over in silence. There is some mention in the latter part, of the Invention of Cecilia's body by Sfondrato, but it is given according to the inaccurate relation of Bailiet.

From that time, these heroic scenes, blotted out from the Breviary of the priests, were never recalled to the memory of the faithful. The abridged L of the- Saints were thenceforth compiled according to the same plan, and we are fully aware that our attempt to avenge an insult offered as much to history as to the Roman Church, will awaken much surprise in the breasts of our readers. Such is the legitimate fruit of that artful silence which the Jansenistfl bo often employed, and with so much success.

The ill-will of modern liturgists was not satisfied

• About the time of the publication of Harlay'fl Breviary, Santeuil published several hymns for the Offloe of St. Cecilia, They are not among his best compositions, but they al least celebrate the virtues and actions of the holy martyr ftOOOrding to the facts recorded in her Acts.

with effacing the account of Cecilia's virtues and actions from the French Breviary, it also strove to despoil the modest virgin of the beautiful title of Queen of Harmony, with which for nearly three centuries, Catholic piety had loved to salute her. The Abbe Lebeuf, composer of the new French Liturgical music, was the first to dispute Cecilia's title to the crown of harmony. In a memoir, under the form of an anonymous letter inserted in the Mercurede France* this academician, who is celebrated for his erudition, assumed the very easy task of demonstrating that in the Acts of St. Cecilia, there is nothing to prove that she ever performed upon any musical instrument ; but this was not the question, and we are surprised that an antiquarian, like Lebeuf, should have found it necessary to waste so much time in proving to us that the symbolical attributes assigned to the saints, by Christian artists, have not always their origin in history. Determined to seek material reasons for a fact which springs only from sentiment, the Abbe Lebeuf, after criticising the Acts of St. Cecilia, in Tillemont's spirit, and often in Tillemont's own words, comes to the conclusion that the idea of styling St. Cecilia patroness of music, arises from the fact that one of the Anthems in her Office commences with these words : Cantantibus organis. He then seeks the origin of this Anthem in that passage of the Acts which speaks of the musical concert at the wedding feast of Valerian and Cecilia. He did not comprehend the meaning of these touching words: 11 During the concert, Cecilia sang also in her heart to

• Jan. 1732, pages 21-46.

the Lord." He understood nothing of that melody of the soul which ascends to the Divine fountain of all harmony, and sings to its Creator, even amidst the profane concerts of earth. He translates the sentence in the following manner: "Cecilia paid no attention to the music, but was interiorly absorbed in God ;" and he even pities those who blend the idea of harmony with Cecilia's name. In his zeal for reformation, he offers musicians their choice among the following patrons : St. Arnold of Juliers, Sts. Dunstan, Ado, Nizier, Gall and Prix of Clermont, Germain of Paris, and Aldric of Mans. The Abbe forgets none but St. Gregory the Great ; however this omission can scarcely surprise us in the avowed enemy of the Gregorian chant.

We do not dwell upon the tone of superiority with which the Abbe Lebeuf criticises and censures all that was composed before his time ; happily, Christian instinct has preserved what the Abbe would have gladly annihilated, and notwithstanding his efforts to bury St. Cecilia in the seclusion of convents, with the Agneses, the Lucys, and the Agathas* of antiquity, the Roman virgin still retains one of her most touching prerogatives. The Abbe did not succeed better in pointing out the period when she was first honored as patroness of music ; according to him it was about the beginning of the seventeenth century.f On being reminded that Raphael's St. Cecilia, painted in 1513, represents her seated, with a musical instrument resting upon her knees, while her soul is absorbed in listening to the concert of angels,

• Page 43. t Pag* 24.

he was somewhat embarrassed ; but he defended himself in a second letter* by saying that he knew the picture perfectly well, and that he had had reference to it, when he asserted that St. Cecilia was first proclaimed patroness of music in Italy. This reply did not, however, vindicate the learned academician from the charge of anachronism.

Besides, Eaphael was not the only artist of the sixteenth century who represented St. Cecilia with the attributes of music. At the same period, the German artist, Laike of Leyden, painted her, accompanied by an angel holding a little organ upon which she plays. The picture is in the royal gallery at Munich. About the middle of the same century, Garofolo painted a magnificent picture in which he represents St. Cecilia playing the organ in presence of the Blessed Virgin and St. Anthony of Padua.f

We have yet to show the facts which characterize the progress of hagiographical writings throughout the eighteenth century, relative to the Acts of St. Cecilia. We shall begin with the Bollandists. Papebrok was no more, but his successors continued with

• Mercure de France, June, 1732, pages 1081-1088.

t St. Cecilia was acknowledged patroness of music long before the foundation of the Academies of Music which were placed under her protection. Nevertheless, we see in the year 1601, a celebrated musical confraternity at Rouen bearing the title of St. Cecilia, upon a deed by which they renew their previous statutes. (Ouin Lacroix. Histoire des corporations et des confreries de Rouen, page 453.) At the same period, the musicians of Rouen established their Academy of St. Cecilia. (Alfieri, Notizie storiche sulla Congregazione et Academia di Santa Cecilia, and an excellent article of M. Morelot, in the Revue de Musique religieuse de M. Danjou, November, 1845.

zeal and erudition the great work to which he has so gloriously attached his name. It was not, however, until the nineteenth century, that they were ready to enter into the lists with Tillemont and Baillet on the controverted question of St. Cecilia's Acts, which the authority of the two learned Jansenists seemed to have settled forever in Catholic France. We see the sad influence of these hagiographers in the following fact. When Father du Sollier published his edition of Usuard's Martyrology, he spoke of the Acts of St. Cecilia with moderation, indeed, since he could not forget the respect which he owed to his predecessors, Henschenius and Papebrok, but at the same time, with a reserve which proved the influence exercised by the boldness of French criticism over the best disposed minds. When speaking of the martyrdom of Sts. Tiburtius and Valerian, the learned Jesuit contents himself with remarking that this is not the place to enter into a discussion which properly belongs to the Acts of St. Cecilia.* He repeats the same assertion when relating the martyrdom of St. Urban. f But when he comes at length to St. Cecilia, he merely lays before its the controversy concerning her Acts, without entering into a discussion of its merits. Tillemont's objection as to the improbability of a persecution against the Christians under Alexander Severus, seems to make

• Neclocusliic, necotmm est controversion! [11am expendere, de qua in Actis nostris disputari poterit xxii. Novembris. Solh rc'**. Martyr ologium Usuardi illustratum, tome i., page 210, f Ne quid hid temore definiamus, aut extra propositnm eyagemur, omnia tutius ad xxii. Novembris, de Lutegro cxaminaiida explicandaque re mittimus. Ibid* page 294.

some impression on his mind :* " however," he frankly adds, " the opinion of Baronius, of Florentini, of the others whom I have cited, and of the whole Catholic world, are all in favor of the Acts of St. Cecilia.f With respect to Tillemont's idea of calling our Saint a Sicilian virgin, on the authority of Fortunatus, Du Sollier considers the proposition perfectly paradoxical^ but, again deserting the arena, he refers the decision of this controversy to himself or his successors at a later period.

Laderchi, more courageous and probably more frank than du Sollier, energetically undertook the defence of the Acts of Saint Cecilia, and devoted an essay in the work we have mentioned to this object ; but Tillemont and Baillet were so highly respected even in Italy, that he did not venture to give their names, although he translated their objections word for word. At the same time, he did not hesitate to attribute to the influence of Jansenism, the incredulity of certain men with regard to these venerable Acts, and asked " if the Church and historical science had definitively passed under the dominion of the new sect?" Francis Bianchini, in his commentary upon Anastasius, was equally sincere and firm, and brought to t Praecipua quae a recentioribus objicitur eaque capitalis difficultas, in eo consistit potissimum quod ut alibi etiam insinuavi, Alexandrit emporibus, tain acerbaimmanisquepersecutio, qualis in istis Actis describitur, tarn atrocia passim tormenta Christianis illata, quadrare prorsus non videantur. Martyrologium Usuardi illustration, tome ii., page 692.

f Pro his (Actis) cum Baronio, Florentinio, aliisque certant laudati scriptores, certat totius orbis catholici pervulgata opinio. Ibid.

X Paradoxamultis aeque ac mihi videtur hujusmodi sententia. Ibid.

the support of the ancient cause, the weight of his authority and profound erudition. He also thought that the opinions of Baronius, Bosio, and Papebrok, might be accepted without disgrace. In 1752, appeared a new champion of St. Cecilia. The learned Canon Moretti undertook to write the history of St. Caliistus and of the Basilica of St. Mary beyond the Tiber. The plan of this work compelled him to examine the great controversy concerning the Martyrs under Alexander Severus. In so doing, this learned and talented man rendered an invaluable service to the Acts of St. Cecilia, although the question concerning them entered but indirectly into his thesis.

The martyrdom of St. Caliistus was incontestable, as well as the fact that he suffered under Alexander Severus ; therefore, there were Martyrs in Eome even under this prince, otherwise so favorable to Christianity. The demonstration of this particular fact, led to that of the general thesis. Moretti takes up that thesis, and with resistless erudition, demonstrates it step by step, until he triumphantly settles the controversy in a manner conformable to the opinion of Baronius. Although Moretti had not investigated the Acts of St. Cecilia individually, yet his triumphant solution of the great question with which they arc bo intimately connected, tended much to prove their authenticity.

At Naples, several years previously, in 1744, the Acts of St. Cecilia had been directly subjected to the critical and literary examination of Alexia bfazochi, a most skilful hagiographer. His conclusions were far from according with those of Tillemont and

576 LIFE 0F SAiira CECILIA.

Baillet. In his valuable commentary upon the celebrated Neapolitan Calendar of the eighth century, Masoohi makes particular mention of certain latinisms in the Acts of St. Cecilia, which prove that these Acts date back to the fourth century. The compiler of the fifth, whose style is very careless, must then have made use of manuscripts previously written, and must have transcribed whole passages from them. Hence the Acts are not entirely his own composition.

Mazochi then points out several incidents and allusions which characterize the account, and shows how perfectly they accord with the manners and language of antiquity. He accounts in several w; for the name of Almachius, and is far from considering this name as an invalidation of the Acts. He next energetically attacks the system by which Tillemont endeavors, from a single hemistich in the works of Fortunatus, to prove Cecilia a Sicilian. He plainly shows that the most conclusive evidence designates Rome as the theatre of the illustrious Virgin's martyrdom : M To deny a fact so well attested." he remarks, •• is contrary to common sense, to say nothing more. And yet, Baillet and other Frenchmen still cling to Tillemont's opinion."*

Such is Mazochi's appreciation of the Acts. The learned and courageous critic makes, it is true, some concessions to his adversaries with regard to the dialogues and discourses which he thinks may have

• Rem vero ita testatam negare. id. ne quid gravius dieam, communi sf.nsu plane caret. Et tamen Tillemontii sententiam Bailletus, aliiqne passim Gallorum, adhuc admirantur. MazockL In vetus marmorcum S. Neapolitans Ecclcsice Kalendarium cummentarius. Tome i, page 211.

been interpolated ; but he forgets that the very part of the Acts, from which he quotes expressions to prove their antiquity, is precisely that of the discourses and dialogues. Notwithstanding these restrictions, the favorable judgment of Mazochi is remarkable at a time when the French prejudice against hagiographical monuments was so prevalent in Europe.

The Neapolitan author finds it difficult, however, to reconcile a persecution against the Christians with the character of Alexander Severus; yet he is unwilling to invalidate St. Cecilia's Acts, and therefore adopts the opinion of Usuard and St. Ado who refer her martyrdom to the reign of Marcus Aurelius. This involves him in some difficulty with regard to her interviews with Pope Urban ; but Mazochi thinks he can solve the problem by supposing that St. Urban was but a simple priest at the time of Cecil ia's martyrdom; and that having been appointed Pope about fifty years later, the actions of Urban as priest, were attributed to Urban as Pope.*

This solution, although more ingenious than satisfactory, is at least a proof of the seriousness with which Mazochi studied Cecilia's Acts. Nor is it more fanciful than that which was proposed later by the learned Jesuit, Lesley, in his commentary upon the Mozarabic Missal, published in 1755. This critic, also desirous to place St. Cecilia's martyrdom under Marcus Aurelius, after relating Mazochi's theory, proposes his own. It consists in admitting that Bishops were established in the Pagi around Rome, and that St. Urban was probably Bishop of a Pagus

• Mazochi. Pages 211, 212.

on the Appian Way, during the reign of Marcus Aurelius* Unfortunately, no one has ever heard of Bishops being established in the Pagi of the environs of Eome, and an explanation based upon so gratuitous a conjecture, cannot have much weight.f Had the Acts ot St. Cecilia been more thoroughly studied, learned men would have perceived that the persecution mentioned in them, was precisely such as might have been expected in the reign of such a prince as Alexander Severus. The unity, the probability, and the natural succession of the various incidents, all perfectly in accordance with what we should expect in the reign of a prince, who, though tolerant to the Christians, was weak, and served by magistrates who despised them ; were above the comprehension of an author so simple hearted as the compiler of the Acts in the fifth century. His n arration proves, therefore, the existence of previous memoirs from which he gives his details. If our Martyrs had suffered during the persecution of Marcus Aurelius and Commodus, in consequence of an edict issued by* these Emperors, the conduct of the Eoman Prefect, his trial of the culprits, and Cecilia's death, would have presented a totally different character. But if it be granted, on the contrary, that this great drama took place during the reign of Alexander Severus, then, all that would appear extraordinary under a persecuting Emperor, becomes perfectly natural ; we feel that the events could not have been different. But this method of appreciating an historical

• Missale mixtum, dictum Mozarabes, prsefatione, notis et appendice ornatum, page G08.

| Sue Riccy. Pago Lemonio, page 104.

document, was not familiar to the hagiographers of the period ; and we are therefore deeply indebted to Mazochi and Lesley for having seriously defended the Acts of St. Cecilia at a time when it required no little courage to contest even the most trifling of Tillemont's decisions in regard to monuments which had once been universally respected. The gravity of the narrative, the universal assent of all nations, the palpable facts stated in the account of the two Inventions, every thing, even to the philological study of the Acts, had induced these learned men to accept a document which seemed to them so worthy of respect; their only study was to fix the date of the events mentioned in it ; we have just explained why they were deceived as to the period of Cecilia's martyrdom. The close of the eighteenth century, beheld the persecuted successors ofBollandus, wandering through the world, without a resting place. These noble exiles took refuge for some time in the abbey of Tougerloo. Whilst there, they published in 1794, the sixth volume of the Acts of the Saints, for October. It contai oed the Acts of St. Callistus, whose festival falls on the 14th of October. This article was compiled by James de Buc, one of the Bollandists. He openly adopted Moretti's conclusions, and the famous question which had puzzled du Sollier, was finally decided according to Baronius and our Acts. In 1845, the Bollandists resumed their work amidst the applause of Europe. After fifty years of suspension, the seventh and eighth volumes appeared. May heaven grant that the present editors may bring the immortal work to a glorious conclusion, and avenge the Arts of St. Cecilia in a manner worthy of the erudition and piety of the illustrious Society of Jesus !

We have still to speak of a celebrated English hagiographer, Alban Butler, whose work is known in France under the name of Godescard, Canon of Saint Honore, who translated and completed it. This book neither merits the great reputation which it has obtained, nor the contempt with which it is now frequently treated. We shall only dwell upon the carelessness with which the question concerning St. Cecilia, is examined. Butler and Godescard, generally so eager to seek and cite every work, treating of the Saints, consulted neither Bosio nor Laderchi. In 1763, they seemed to consider the question as finally settled. Had not the French Liturgists decided it ? They therefore merely state that the Acts of St. Cecilia are of little authority, an observation which they attempt to justify by a short exposition of Tillemont's assertions ; they agree, however, that there may have been Martyrs under Alexander Severus.

The inconceivable carelessness with which this notice was compiled, is clearly proved by the following phrase : " We learn from the Acts of St. Cecilia, that in chanting the praises of God, she frequently added instrumental to vocal music."* Hence, it is clear that Butler and Godescard, before compiling St. Cecilia's life, had not even taken the trouble to read her Acts, since these do not contain a single expression which could lead to such a conclusion. The only authority which these learned men could allege,

• Vies des Peres et dea Martyrs, tome xi. an 22 Novembre.

LIFE OF SAINT CECILIA. $gl in favor of the fact they thus advance, is the legitimate license with which artists have represented St. Cecilia playing upon musical instruments, to indicate that she is patroness of Music. They might have shown at least some deference for Acts which were written nearly a thousand years before the paintings in question were executed.*

In concluding this chapter upon the events relating to the Holy Martyr throughout the eighteenth century, we again gladly take refuge in our dear Basilica, the history of which is so intimately united with that of St. Cecilia.

Whilst the erudites were agitating the learned questions we have mentioned, multiplied homages of piety were offered the illustrious Virgin. The trans-Tiberian Basilica was devoutly visited by pilgrims ; and the devotion of the Eomans to this august sanctuary and the valuable treasures it contained, had not grown cold. Among all Cecilia's clients, towards the end of the eighteenth century, the pious Joseph Mazzolari held the first place. He was a member of the Society of Jesus, before its suppression. He was a distinguished scholar and full of zeal for the glory of the Blessed Virgin and the Saints. This zeal led him to write under the assumed name of Mariano Partenio. Among the Ciceronian harangues found in his literary works, there is one, styled pro domo Lauretana^ which he caused to be

• Tabaraud, the author of the article upon St. Cecilia, in fa Biographic universale, has merely abridged the notice of Butler and Godescard ; but he faithfully quotes the Bentenoe in frhioh these two authors assert that Cecilia's prolieieney in musio, is formally expressed in her Acts.

\ Mazzolari opera, tome i.

engraved upon a plate of silver as an offering to the sanctuary of our Lady of Loretto. He particularly venerated the Martyrs of Rome, and it was principally on account of this devotion, that he published a little work entitled Diario sagro ; * but Cecilia was Mazzolari's special favorite. Through his exertions, an Italian translation of her Acts was published in Eome,f in 1775, preceded by a preface proving their authenticity.

In the year 1785, Mazzolari, at his own expense, caused the fresco, representing upon one of its compartments Cecilia's interment, and upon the other her apparition to Paschal, to be detached from the exterior portico of the Basilica. He removed this valuable painting to the interior of the Church, placed it in front of the large altar, and added to it the following inscription :

MONVMENTVM VETVSTISSIMVM INVENTIONS ET DEPOSITIONS

SACRAE CHRISTI SPONSAE ET INCLYTAE MARTYRIS CAECILIAE

NE AERIS INIVRIA PRORSVS INTERIRET

HVC E PORTICV IOSEPHVS MARIAN VS PARTHENIVS

PRO SVO ERGA S. VIRGINEM ET MARTYREM STVDIO

TRANSFERENDVM CVRAVIT

A. D. M. DCC. LXXXV.J

• An interesting edition of this work appeared at Rome, in 1805, with excellent notes by Adami.

f In 8°, chez Solomoni.

X That this very ancient monument of the Invention and Deposition of the holy Spouse of Christ, the illustrious Martyr, St. Cecilia, might not be totally destroyed by the inclemency of the weather, Joseph Mariano Partenio, through devotion to the holy virgin and martyr, removed it from the portico to this place, a. d., 1785.

This was not the only proof of Mazzolari's devotion to St. Cecilia. He thought that Paschal's document, in which the holy Pope describes the apparition of the illustrious virgin, should be publicly exposed in the Basilica. He had it engraved, therefore, upon a large white marble tablet, and placed it opposite the antique fresco of which we have just spoken. It bears the following inscription :

HAS LITTERAS E COD. VATIC. DESCRIPTAS

JOSEPHVS MARIANVS PARTHENIUS INCIDENDAS CVRAVIT

A. D. M. DCC. LXXXVI.*

A third memorial of Mazzolari's devotion to St. Cecilia, was a large silver gilt heart, which was placed near the Confession. The following words are engraved upon it :

JOSEPHVS MARIANVS PARTHENIVS

CAECILIAE VIRGINI SANCTAE

MARTYRI INVICTAE

D. D.

PATRONAE COELESTI

ANNO MDCCLXXV.

ORAT OBSECRAT SUPPLICAT

VT HABERE MEREATUR PARTEM CVM EA.f

While these pious offerings were being placed upon Cecilia's tomb, disastrous days wore looming

• This letter was copied from a manuscript of the Vatican, Joseph Mariano Partenio caused it to be engraved A. D. L786.

f Joseph Mariano Partenio dedicated this heart to the holy Virgin and invincible martyr St,. Ueoiilii Ilia heavenly patrOH688,

A. D. 1775. He prays, he heseeohes, he Implores, that he may merit a share in her happiness.

over the holy city, and the treasures of her Basilicas were soon to fall into the hands of wicked men. The pontificate of Pius VI. was almost at an end, when the Directory of the French Kepublic, having conceived the odious project of deposing the Lord's anointed, announced to the Pontiff that Christian Home was condemned to destruction, and that nothing could avert its ruin but the greatest sacrifices. Pius VI., by the armistice of Milan, and soon after, by the treaty of Tolentino, was forced to cede a portion of his territory, to deliver up his most beautiful pictures and finest statuary, and to pay thirty-one million francs.

To satisfy this enormous demand, the Pontiff sent the treasures of gold and silver that still remained in the Castle of St. Angelo, and, moreover, added to them all the gold and silver ornaments belonging to the churches of Home.

• We have read with much emotion in the archives of the Basilica of St. Cecilia, an order issued by the Cardinal Vicar, in the name of hi.:. Holiness, dated July 6th, 1796, to all the superiors of the churches in Rome, commanding, under the severest penalties, an inventory to be made of all the gold and silver plate entrusted to their keeping.* A document of later date, mentioned that on the seventeenth of that same month, the Abbess delivered up three hundred and ninety-five pounds of silver to the pontifical commissary Livaldini ; on the 29th of August, sixty-nine pounds; and on the 9th of the following March, one hundred and sixty-nine.f

• Archives of St. Cecilia. Lossier 94, No. 30. f Ibid., No. 31.

This cruel spoliation, to which the Pontiff wag forced by extreme necessity, deprived the Basilica of its three precious caskets, in which Sfondrato had enclosed the heads of Valerian, Tiburtius, and Maximus. These holy relics were then placed in the copper cylinders in which they have since remained. Besides the three caskets sent by the Abbess, there were silver chalices, candelabra, and other altar furniture ; the greater number of the reliquaries, presented by Sfondrato, were merely bronze-gilt.

Notwithstanding this enormous sacrifice, the liberty of the Pope was not long respected. In less than two years, the holy old man was dragged into exile. Then followed new spoliations of the churches of Eome, under the immediate supervision of the French authorities. We find in the Archives of St. Cecilia's Basilica, a French document, headed with the words Liberty, Equality, and dated 16 Ventose of the sixth year of the Republic. This document attested that the citizen Valette, charged by the financial administration of Italy, to receive the gold andsilver taken from churches, required the citizen Sebastian Bartoletti, a Eoman priest, to enumerate, upon oath, all the silver articles which remained in the Church and monastery of St. Cecilia, of which he was chaplain.

"We may form an idea of the state of destitution to which the sanctuary of St. Cecilia was thus reduced, and at the same time picture to ourselves the rapacity of the spoliators of Eome, by reading in this document the list of precious articles which were reluctantly left in the Basilica. They consisted of an

SI*

altar cloth embroidered with gold, an ostensorium, four reliquaries, two chalices, and a censor.

Whilst the trans-Tiberian Basilica was being thus despoiled of even its most trifling ornaments, the illustrious Cardinal, Hyacinth Sigismond Gerdil, to whose care the Pope had entrusted it, was, like the other members of the Sacred College, forced to leave Kome. This austere religious and eminent theologian, a worthy successor of so many great cardinals, was renowned for his learning and virtue. He had successfully combated all the errors of his time, and had compiled the immortal Constitution Auctorem fidei which annihilated Jansenism.

Gerdil was eighty years of age when thus forced to leave Kome and the pious sanctuary which had been committed to his care. We have read with deep emotion the autograph letter which he addressed, previous to his departure, to his dear daughters, the Abbess and Religious of St. Cecilia, whom he left exposed to every danger. This letter breathes throughout the most heroic resignation and paternal charity. After the miraculous election of Pius VII., at Venice, Gerdil returned to Kome and once more had the consolation of praying at Cecilia's tomb. But he was soon called to receive the recompense he had merited by his noble and holy life. He died on the 12th of August, 1802.

Our Basilica, towards the end of the eighteenth century, shared in the general tribulations of the Church. We will close this chapter with a single incident characteristic of this epoch, no less fruitful in virtues than in crimes. We are confident that our readers honor the angelic memory of the amiable and pious Madame Elizabeth, sister of Louis XVI. This princess, whose murder was one of the greatest crimes of the French Eevolution, venerated St. Cecilia with special devotion. Perhaps she felt a secret presentiment that she too would one day add the rose of martyrdom to the lily of virginity. When her brother, the Count of Provence, before leaving France, bade adieu to his dearly loved sister, Elizabeth presented him with a picture of St. Cecilia, entreating him never to part with it. "I am aware," said she, " that your mind and heart have been misled by a false and dangerous philosophy. I trust that this holy martyr will obtain your conversion.* Elizabeth did not seek to escape from a country where a cruel fate awaited her. Her devoted attachment to the royal family did not suffer her to abandon them. She consoled the last moments of the Queen; and when her own turn arrived, she calmly ascended the scaffold, after encouraging with angelic words the numerous victims, who, one by one, preceded her to death on that mournful day.