Book VI. From the year 1537 to the year 1546

A brief Summary. — The Landgrave endeavours to maintain union between the Lutherans and Zuinglians. — A new remedy discovered for the incontinence of this Prince, by allowing him to marry a second wife, the first being alive. — The remarkable instruction he gives to Bucer, in order to induce Luther and Melancthon to adopt this sentiment. The dogmatical judgment of Luther, Bucer, and Melancthon, in favour of Polygamy. — The new marriage ensues in consequence of this consultation. — The Party is ashamed, and has not courage to deny or acknowledge it. — The Landgrave prevails on Luther to suppress the elevation of the Holy Sacrament in favour of the Swiss, whom this ceremony had alienated from the League of Smalcald. — On this occasion Luther is provoked anew against the Sacramentarians. — Melancthon's design to destroy the foundation of the Altar Sacrifice. — It is acknowledged in the Party that this Sacrifice is inseparable from the Real Presence and Luther's doctrine. — As much confessed concerning Adoration. — A Momentaneous Presence, and in the sole reception, how allowed. — Luther's sentiment despised by Melancthon and the Divines of Leipsic and Wittemberg. — Luther's furious Theses against the Divines of Louvain. — He acknowledges the Sacrament to be adorable, detests the Zuinglians, and dies.

1. — The scandalous Incontinency of the Landgrave, and ichat remedy was found for it in the Reformation.

The agreement of Wittemberg continued not long ; it was foolish to imagine that a peace so patched up could be of long duration, and that so great an opposition in doctrine, with so great an emotion in the minds of men, could be surmounted by equivocations. Luther could not forbear

204 THE HISTORY OK [BOOK uttering angry words and venting his spleen against Bucer. Those of Zurich were not backwai-d in defending their Doctor ; but Philip, Landgrave of Hesse, who had always warlike projects in contemplation, kept the whole Protestant party united, as far as he was able, and for some years withheld them from coming to an open rupture. This Prince was the support of the League of Smalcald, and, considering the great need they had of him in the party, they allowed to him what no example before had warranted among Christians — it was to have two wives at once ; nor could the Reformation find out any other remedy for his incontinence.

The historians who have written that this Prince was, in other respects, very temperate¹, were not let into the whole secret of the party; they did all they could to conceal the intemperance of a Prince whom the Reformation cried up above all others. We find from Melancthon's letters, in 1539f, at the time when the League of Smalcald became so formidable, that this Prince had a distemper which was carefully concealed ; it was one of those that are not to be named. He recovered ; and, for his intemperance, the heads of the Reformation prescribed the new remedy above-mentioned. They concealed, as much as they were able, this shame of the new doctrine. M. de Thou, with all his penetration into foreign affairs, could, it seems, discover no more than that this Prince, " by the advice of his pastors," had a concubine together with his wife. This is enough to cover these false pastors with confusion who thus authorised concubinage : but it was not then known that these pastors were Luther himself and all the heads of the party, and that they permitted the Landgrave to have a concubine under the title of a lawful wife, although he had then another whose marriage subsisted in full force. At present this whole mystery of iniquity is discovered by the authentic papers which the late Elector Palatine, Charles Lewis, caused to be printed, and part of which, Ernest, Prince of Hesse, descended from Philip, has made public since his becoming Catholic.

2. — Important acts relating to this matter, taken from a book printed by order of the Elector Charles Lewis, Count Palatine.

The book which the Prince Palatine caused to be printed bears this title, — " Conscientious Considerations on Mar-

VI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 205 riage, with a Dllucidation of the Questions till this present time debated, touching Adultery, Divorce, and Polygamy." The book came out in high Dutch in 1679, under the borrowed name of Daphneus Arcuarius, under which was concealed that of Laurentius Bceger, that is, Laurence Archer, one of this Prince's counsellors. The design of the book is, apparently, to justify Luther against Bellarmine, who accused him of authorising polygamy, but, in reality, he shews that Luther favoured it ; and lest it might be said he, perchance, advanced this doctrine at the beginning only of the Reformation, he produces what was done long after, in this new marriage of the Landgrave. He instances in three pieces, the first of which is an instruction of the Landgrave himself delivered to Bucer, for he was the person commissioned to negociate with Luther the whole business, whence it is plain that the Landgrave at times employed him in adjusting matters of a quite different nature than were the Sacramentarian contests. You have here a faithful copy of this instruction : and, as the piece is remarkable, it may be here seen entire, translated word for word, from high Dutch into Latin, and by a good hand².

3. — Bucer se?it to Luther and other heads of the Party to obtain leave for marrying a second wife — this Prince's instructions to his Envoy.

The Landgrave begins by setting forth how that, " since his last illness, he had reflected much on his state, and chiefly upon this, that a few weeks after his marriage he had begun to wallow in adultery ; that his pastors had frequently exhorted him to approach the holy table, but he did believe he should there meet with his judgment, because he will not abandon such a course of lifef." He imputes to his wife the cause of all his disorders, and gives the reasons for his never loving her ; but, having a difficulty in explaining himself on these matters, he refers them to Bucer, whom he had made privy to the whole affair. Next he speaks of his complexion, and the effects of high living at the assemblies of the empire, at which he was obliged to be present. To carry thither a wife of such a quality as his own would be too great an incumbrance. When his preachers remonstrated to him that he ought to punish adulteries and such like crimes, " How (said he) can I punish crimes of which I myself am guilty ? When I expose myself in war for the

206 THE HISTORY OP [BOOK

Gospel cause, I think I should go to the Devil should I be killed there by the sword or a musket-ball³. 1 am sensible that, with the wife I have, neither can I, neither will I, change my life, whereof I take God to witness ; so that I find no means of amendment but by the remedies God afforded the people of old, that is to say, polygamyf."

4. — Sequel to the Instruction — the Landgrave promises the revenues of Monasteries to Luther if he will favour his design.

He there states the reasons which persuade him that it is not forbidden under the Gospel ; and what deserves most notice, is his saying, " that, to his knowledge, Luther and Melancthon advised, the King of England not to break off his marriage with the Queen, his wife ; but, besides her, also to wed another J." This, again, is a secret we were ignorant of : but a Prince, so well informed, says he knows it ; and adds, that they ought to allow him this remedy so much the readier, because he demands it only " for the salvation of his soul." " I am resolved (proceeds he) to remain no longer in the snares of the Devil ; neither can I, neither will I, withdraw myself but by this way ; wherefore I beg of Luther, of Melancthon, of Bucer himself, to give me a certificate, that I may embrace it. But, if they apprehend that such a certificate may turn to scandal at this time, and prejudice the Gospel cause, should it be printed, I desire at least they will give me a declaration in writing, that God would not be offended should I marry in private ; and that they will seek for means to make this marriage public in due time, to the end that the woman I shall wed may not pass for a dishonest, person, otherwise, in process of time, the church would be scandalized §." Then he assures them that "they need not fear lest this second marriage should make him injure his first wife, or even separate himself from her ; since, on the contrary, he is determined on this occasion to carry his cross, and leave his dominions to .their common children. Let them, therefore, grant me (continues this Prince), in the name of God, what I request of them, to the end that I may both live and die more cheerfully for the Gospel cause, and more willingly undertake the defence of it ; and, on my part, I will do whatsoever they shall in reason

VI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 207 ask of me, whether they demand the revenues of monasteries, or other things of a similar nature⁴."

5. — Continuation of it — the Landgrave proposes to have recourse to the Emperor, and even to the Pope, in case of refusal.

We see how artfully he insinuates the reasons which he, who knew them so thoroughly, was sensible would have most influence on them ; and, as he foresaw that scandal was the thing they would most dread, he adds, u That already the ecclesiastics hated the Protestants to such a degree, that they would not hate them more or less for this new article allowing polygamy : but if, contrary to his expectation, Melancthon and Luther should prove inexorable, many designs ran in his head — amongst others, that of applying to the Emperor for this dispensation, whatever money it might cost himf." This was a ticklish point — " For (continues he) there is no likelihood of the Emperor's granting this permission without a dispensation from the Pope, for which I care but little (says he) ; % but for that of the Emperor I ought not to despise it, though I should make but little account of that too, did I not otherwise believe that God had rather allowed than forbidden what I wish for ; and if the attempt 1 make on this side (that is upon Luther) succeed not, a human fear urges me to demand the Emperor's consent, certain as I am to obtain all I please, upon giving a round sum of money to some one of his ministers. But although I would not for anything in the world withdraw myself from the Gospel, or be engaged in any affair that might be contrary to its interest, I am, nevertheless, afraid lest the Imperialists should draw me into something not conducive to the interests of this cause and party. I, therefore, call on them (concludes he) to afford me the redress I expect, lest I should go seek it in some other place less agreeable ; desirous a thousand times rather to owe my repose to their permission than to all other human permissions. Finally, I desire to have, in writing, the opinion of Luther, Melancthon, and Bucer, in order that I may amend myself, and with a good conscience approach the Sacrament." — Given at Melsinguen, the Sunday after St. Catherine's Day, 1539.

Philip, Landgrave of Hesse.

« Inst. N. 13. f Ibid. N. 14. J Ibid. N. 15. etseq.

6. — The dogmatical advice of Luther — Polygamy allowed by him and the other heads of the Protestants.

The instruction was equally pressing and ticklish. We see the secret springs which the Landgrave sets in motion : he forgets nothing ; and whatever contempt he shewed for the Pope, the very naming him on this occasion was too much for these new Doctors. So dexterous a Prince let not that word slip without design ; and, besides, the very hint of entering into conjunction with the Emperor, was enough to make the whole party tremble. These reasons carried with them much more weight than those the Landgrave had striven to draw from Scripture. To cogent reasons there was joined an artful agent. Accordingly, Bucer obtained of Luther a consultation in form, the original of which was in high Dutch, in Melancthon's hand and style⁵. It is permitted to the Landgrave, according to the Gospel f (for everything is done in the Reformation under that name), to marry another wife besides that he has already. They deplore, indeed, the condition he is in, " that he cannot refrain from his adulteries as long as he shall have but one wife;j; ;" and represent to him this state as very bad in the sight of God, and contrary "to the security of his conscience §." But at the same time, and in the next period, they grant him their leave, and declare to him that " he may marry a second wife, if he be fully bent upon it, provided only he keep it secret.1' Thus the same mouth pronounces good and evil || ; thus the crime becomes lawful by concealing it. I blush to write these things, and the Doctors who wrote them were themselves ashamed of them. This may be seen through the whole tenor of their perplexed and winding sentences : but they, in the end, were obliged to speak the word, and allow the Landgrave, in express terms, this bigamy he so much coveted. This was the first time it was ever said, since the birth of Christianity, bv men styling themselves Doctors in the Church, that Jesus Christ had not forbidden such marriages : that text of Genesis, " They shall be two in one flesh ^[," was eluded, although Jesus Christ had reduced it to its first sense and primitive institution, which suffers but two persons in the nuptial band⁶. The resolution, in the German language,

% Ibid. N. 20. § Ibid. N. 21. || Jam. iii. 10.

U Gen. ii. 24. ** Matt. xix. 4, 5, 6.

VI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 209 was signed by Luther, Bucer, and Melancthon. Two other Doctors, one of them Melander, the Landgrave's minister, signed it also, in Latin, at Wittemberg,, in the month of December, 1539 *, This permission was granted in form of dispensation, and reduced to a case of necessity!, for they were ashamed of passing this practice into a general law. They found out necessities against the Gospel, and, after having so much blamed the dispensations of Rome, they ventured to give one of that high .importance. All the most renowned persons of the Reformation in Germany consented to this iniquity: God visibly gave them over to a reprobate sense; and those who exclaimed against abuses in order to render the church odious, themselves commit much stranger and more numerous ones at the very beginning of their Reformation, than they could either rake up or invent during the course of so many ages that they upbraid the church with her corruption.

7. — What was answered in this Consultation with relation to the Emperor.

The Landgrave had very well foreseen he should make his Doctors tremble with the bare mentioning his thoughts of treating with the Emperor on this affair. They answer him, that this Prince has neither faith nor religion — " that he is a cheat, who has nothing of German manners in him, with whom it is dangerous to enter into any engagements^." Writing thus to a Prince of the empire, what is it else but putting all Germany in a flame ? Then, what can be more abject than what appears at the beginning of this advice ? " Our poor, little, miserable, and abandoned church (say they) stands in need of virtuous governing princes §." Here is the reason, if taken right, these new Doctors go upon. .But these virtuous princes the Reformation stood in need of, were princes who would make the Gospel subservient to their passions. The church, indeed, may want the support of princes for her temporal repose ; but to broach pernicious and unheard of points of doctrine, purely to please them, and, by this means, to sacrifice to them the Gospel they boast of re-establishino-, is the true mystery of iniquity, and the abomination of desolation in the sanctuary.

% Ibid. N. 23, 24. § Ibid. N. 2.

VOL. I.

8. — The secret of the second Marriage, vjhich was to pass for Concubinage — this scandal despised by those who were of the Consultation.

So infamous a Consultation was enough to discredit the whole party ; nor could the Doctors who subscribed it have silenced the clamours, nor shunned the odium of the people, who, as themselves do own, would have " ranked them with Mahometans, or Anabaptists, that make a jest of marriage⁷." Accordingly they took their measures, and, in their advice, forbade the Landgrave, above all things, ever to discover this new marriage. There were but a very small number of witnesses to be present, who were also to be bound to secrecy "under the seal of confession t," — thus spoke the Consultation. The new bride was to pass for a concubine. They preferred this scandal in the house of this Prince to that which would be caused throughout all Christendom by the sanctioning of a marriage so contrary to the Gospel, and to the common doctrine of all Christians J.

9. — The second Marriage is made in private — the contract agreed upon. — 1540.

The consult was followed by a marriage, in form, betwixt Philip, Landgrave of Hesse, and Margaret of Saal, by the consent of Christina of Saxony, his wife. The Prince had no more to do but declare, at his marriage, that he did not take this second wife " through any levity or curiosity, but from inevitable necessities of body and conscience, which his Highness had laid before many learned, prudent, Christian, and devout preachers, who had advised him to put his conscience in repose by this means §." The instrument of this marriage, dated the 4th of March, 1540, may be found, together with the consultation, in the book which was published by order of the Elector Palatine. Prince Ernest has also furnished the same pieces, so that they are become public in two ways. It is ten or twelve years since copies of them have been produced in a book dispersed through all France ||, and never contradicted; and now we have them in such authentic form that there is no room left for doubt. That nothing further might be required, I have added thereto the Landgrave's instruction, and the history is now complete.

$> Inst. Copalat. — See the end of this (6th) Book.

VI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 211

10. — The Landgrave s and Luther's Answer to those who reproach them with this Marriage.

Evil deeds generally come out one way or other. Whatever caution was used to conceal this scandalous marriage, it began, nevertheless, to be suspected ; and certain it is, both the Landgrave and Luther were upbraided with it in public writings, but they shifted off the matter by equivocating. A German author has published a letter of the Landgrave's to Henry, the young Duke of Brunswick, where hej speaks to him in these words: — " You reproach me with a report that prevails of my having taken a second wife, whilst the first is still living : but I declare to you, that if you or any other person say that I have contracted an unchristian marriage, or that I have done anything unworthy of a Christian Prince, it is all downright calumny : for although, towards God, I look upon myself as a miserable sinner, I live, however, before him, in my faith and in my conscience, after such a manner that my confessors do not hold me for an unchristian person. I give scandal to no one, and live with the Princess, my wife, in a perfect good understanding⁸.1' All this was true, in his way of thinking, for he did not allow that the marriage he was reproached with was unchristian. His first lady was satisfied with it, and the Consultation had stopped the mouths of the Confessors of this Prince. Luther answers with no less artifice. " They reproach the Landgrave (says he) with being a polygamist. I have not much to say on that subject. The Landgrave is able, and has men learned enough to defend him. As for myself, I know one only Princess and Landgrave of Hesse, who is and ought to be named wife and mother in Hesse ; and there is no other that can give young Landgraves to this Prince, but the Princess who is the daughter of George, Duke of Saxony f." And, indeed, they had ordered matters so that neither the new bride nor her children could bear the title of Landgraves. To defend themselves thus, is aiding their own conviction, and acknowledging the shameful corruption introduced in doctrine by those who, in all their works, spoke of nothing but re-establishing the pure Gospel.

11. — Luthefs scandalous Sermon on Marriage.

After all, Luther did but follow those principles he had laid down in other places. I have always dreaded speaking of these " inevitable necessities" which he recognized in the union of the two sexes, and of that scandalous sermon he delivered at Wittemberg on marriage ; but, since the series of this history has made me at once break through that barrier which modesty had laid in my way, I can no longer dissemble what is found printed in Luther's works *. It is true, then, that in a sermon which he delivered at Wittemberg, for the reformation of marriage, he blushed not to pronounce these infamous and scandalous words : — " If they are stubborn (he speaks of wives) it is fitting their husbands should tell them, if⁹ you will not another will : if the mistress refuse to come, let the maid be called." A man would blush to hear such words in a farce, and on the stage. The chief of the reformers preaches this seriously in the church ; and, as he turned all his excesses into dogmata, he adds — " However, it is necessary for the husband to bring his wife first before the church, and to admonish her two or three times ; after that put her away, and take Esther instead of Vasthi." This was a new cause for divorce superadded to that of adultery. Thus did Luther handle the subject of the reformation of marriage. We must not ask him in what Gospel he found this article ; it is sufficient that it is included "in those necessities," which he fain would believe were above all laws and precautions. After this, will any one wonder at what he allowed the Landgrave ? In this sermon, it is true, he orders to repudiate the first wife before the other be taken ; and, in the consultation, he permits the Landgrave to have two at once. But, then, the sermon was pronounced in 1522, and the Consultation was penned in 1539. It was but fair that Luther should have learned something after seventeen or eighteen years spent in reforming.

12. — The Landgrave obliges Luther to suppress the elevation of the blessed Sacrament in the Mass. — How this occasion was made use of to inflame him anew against the Sacrameniarians. — 1542, 1543.

From that time forward the Landgrave had almost an absolute sway over 'this patriarch of the Reformation ; and after having found out his weak side in so essential a

VI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 213 point, he no longer thought him capable of resisting him. This Prince was little versed in controversies; but, to make amends, like an expert politician, he knew how to Conciliate the minds of men, to manage different interests, and keep up confederacies. His chief aim was to prevail upon the Swiss to enter into that of Smalcald ; but he perceived they were offended at many things in practice among the Lutherans, and particularly at the elevation of the Holy Sacrament, which was still in use, with the ringing of the belJ, and the people striking their breasts, with sighs and groans. Five-and-twenty years had Luther preserved these motions of a piety which he knew had Jesus Christ for its object: but nothing was permanent in the Reformation. The Landgrave never ceased attacking Luther on this head, and importuned him in such a manner, that after suffering this custom to be abolished in some churches of his party, he at length set it aside in the church of Wittemberg, which •was under his immediate direction. These changes happened in 1542 and 1543¹⁰. The Sacramentarians triumphed at it ; they believed that Luther was now relenting ; and, even among the Lutherans, it was said he was at length falling off from that admirable resolution, wherewith he had, up to that period, maintained the ancient doctrine of the Real Presence, and that he was about coming to an understanding with the Sacramentarians. He was nettled at these reports ; for he was impatient of the most trifling circumstance that infringed on his authority f . Peucer, Melancthon's son-in-law, from whom we have taken this account, observes, he took no notice of it for awhile ; for, says he, " his great heart was not easily wrought upon;];." We shall now, however, see by what means they roused him. A physician, named Wildus, of great repute in his profession, and much esteemed by the nobility of Misnia, where these reports were most spread against Luther, came to visit him at Wittemberg, and met with a kind reception at his house. It fell out (proceeds Peucer) that, at a feast, where Melancthon was also present, this physician being heated with wine (for at the Reformers' tables men drank as in other places, and such abuses as these were not what they had undertaken to correct) ; this physician, I say, began to talk unguardedly of the elevation lately suppressed, and told Luther very frankly, that the common opinion was, he had made this alteration only to please the Swiss, and that he had at length adopted their opinions. This great heart was not proof against these words uttered in liquor ; his emotion was perceptible, and Melancthon foresaw what ensued.

13. — Luther's old jealousy awakened against Zuinglius and his disciples. — 1545.

In this manner was Luther animated against the Swiss, and his wrath became implacable on account of two books, which those of Zurich caused to be printed the same year. One was a translation of the Bible made by Leo of Juda, that famous Jew who embraced the Zuinglian doctrine : the other was the works of Zuinglius, carefully collected, with great eulogiums of this author. Although there was nothing in these books against Luther's person, immediately upon their publication he flew out into the greatest extravagance, nor had his transports ever appeared so violent. The Zuinglians published, and the Lutherans have almost owned the same, that Luther could not endure that any one, besides himself, should meddle with translating the Bible¹¹. He had made a very elegant version of it in his own language, and thought, it was not consistent with his honour that the Reformation should have any other, at least where high Dutch was understood. The works of Zuinglius awakened his jealousyf, and he believed they were always resolved to set up this man against him, to dispute with him the glory of being the first reformer. | Be that as it will, Melancthon and the Lutherans all owned that, after a truce of five or six years' standing, Luther first renewed the war with greater fury than ever. Whatever power the Landgrave had upon Luther, he could never restrain his transports for any considerable time. The Swiss produce letters in Luther's own hand, where he forbids the bookseller, who had made him a present of Leo's translation, ever to send him any thing from those of Zurich, " for they were damned men, who dragged away others into hell ; and the churches no longer could communicate with them, nor consent to their blasphemies, and he had resolved to oppose them, by his writings and his prayers, to his very last breath¹²."

« Hosp. Part ii. p. 183. Calix. Judicium, N. 72, p. 121, 122. f Hosp. ibid. f. 184. + Ibid. § IbiJ. f. 183.

VI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 215

14. — Luther will not suffer the Sacramentarians to be any longer prayed for, and believes them inevitably damned. —1544.

He kept his word. The year following he published a comment upon Genesis, where he placed Zuinglius and CEcolampadius with Arius, with Muncer ; and the Anabaptists among the Idolaters, who made for themselves " an idol of their own thoughts, and adored them in conten^ of God's word." But what he afterwards published was much more terrible — it was his little " Confession of Faith," where he calls them " madmen, blasphemers, miserable wretches, damned souls, for whom it was no longer lawful to pray¹³ :" for he carried matters to this extremity, and protested he never would have any further communication with them, " neither by letters, nor by words, nor by works," if they did not confess " that the bread of the Eucharist was the true natural body of our Lord, which the impious, and even the traitor Judas, received not less by the mouth than St. Peter and the rest of the faithful."

15. — Luther's Anathemas.

By that means he believed he had put an end to the scandalous interpretations of the Sacramentarians, Avho turned all to their own sense ; and declared he held all for fanatics who should refuse subscribing this last "confession of faithf." For he now assumed so high a tone, and so threatened the world with his anathemas, that the Zuinglians no longer called him any thing but the " new Pope, and new Antichrist."

16. — The Zuinglians reprove Luther for always having the Devil in his mouth, and call him a madman.

Thus not less vigorous was the defence than the attack. Those of Zurich, scandalised at this strange expression, "the bread is the true natural body of our Lord," were much more so at Luther's outrageous contumelies ; insomuch that they wrote a book, entitled, " Against the vain and scandalous Calumnies of Luther," in which they maintain " that a man must be as mad as himself to bear with his furious sallies ; that he dishonoured his old age ; and, by his violence, rendered himself contemptible ; and lie ought to

216 THE HISTORY OP [BOOK be ashamed of filling his books with so much abusive language and so many devils." The truth is, Luther had taken care to place the devils within and without, at top and at bottom, at the right hand and the left, before and behind the Zuinglians ; inventing, withal, new phrases to pierce them through and through with devils, and repeating this odious name even so as to excite horror.

17. — Luther's scandalous Prayer, who says he never offended the Devil.

Such Avas his custom : in 1542 the Turk threatened Germany more than ever ; he had published a prayer against him, where he brought in the Devil after a strange manner. " Thou knowest (said he), O Lord, that the Devil, the Pope, and the Turk, have neither right nor reason to torment us, for we have never offended them : but because we confess that thou, O Father, and thy Son, Jesus Christ, and the Holy Ghost, are but one only God eternal — there is our sin, there is our whole crime : for that it is they hate and persecute us ; and we should no longer have to fear any thing from them, did we but renounce this faith*." What a blindness, to jumble together the Devil, the Pope, and Turk, as the three enemies of the faith in the Trinity ! what a calumny to aver that the Pope persecutes them for this faith ! and what folly to exculpate himself to the enemy of mankind as one that never had given him any displeasure !

18. — Bucer's own Confession of Faith — He confirms that the umoorlhy do really receive the body of our Lord — Invention of solid Faith.

Some time after Luther had renewed his indignation against the Sacramentarians, in the manner already mentioned, Bucer framed a new confession of faith. These men were never tired of that; it seemed as if he had a mind to oppose it to the little confession which Luther had but Just published. That of Bucer came up pretty near to the expressions of the Wittemberg agreement, whereof he was the mediator ; but he would not have made a new confession of faith, had he not intended to change something. The thing was (he would no longer say as distinctly and generally as he had done) that the body of our Saviour might be taken without faith, and taken very really in virtue of our Lord's institution, which our evil disposition could not deprive of its efncacyf. Bucer

VI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 217 here corrects that doctrine, and seems to lay it down as a condition for the presence of Jesus Christ in the Supper, not only that it be celebrated according to Christ's institution, but also " that men have a solid faith in those words by which he gives himself*." This Doctor, who durst not give a lively faith to those who communicated unworthily, in favour of them invented " this solid faith," which I leave to the examination of Protestants ; and he would have it, that, by such a faith, the unworthy received " not only the sacrament, but the Lord himself f."

19. — The same Author's perplexities with relation to the Communion of the Impious.

He seems puzzled what to say of the communion of the impious : for Luther, whom he would not openly£contradict, decided, in his little confession, that they as truly received Jesus Christ as the saints. But Bucer, who feared nothing so much as speaking plainly, says, that those amongst the impious "who have faith for a while, receive Jesus Christ in an enigma, as they receive the Gospel." What prodigies of expression ! and, for those who have no faith at all, it seems he ought to say, they do not at all receive Jesus Christ. But that would have been too clear; Tie is content with saying, " they do not see, nor touch, in the Sacrament, anything but what is sensible."" But what else would he have men see and touch therein, besides what is sensible of striking the senses ? The rest, that is, the body of our Saviour, may be believed, but no one boasts of either seeing him, or touching him in himself ; nor have the faithful any advantage in that respect above the impious. Thus Bucer, according to his custom, does nothing but perplex ; and, by his subtilties, prepares the way, as we shall see, to those of Calvin and the Calvinists.

20. — Melancthon labours to make the Real Presence momentaneous, and places it only in the act of using it.

Meanwhile, Melancthon made it his particular endeavour to diminish, as I may say, the Real Presence, by striving to reduce it to the precise time of its reception. This is a principal dogma of Lutheranism, and it is of great moment clearly to understand how it was established in the sect.

21. — The aversion for the Mass is the true foundation of this dogma — Two thijigs the Protestants cannot bear with therein.

The mass was the great aversion of the new Reformation, though, in point of fact, it was nothing else but the public prayers of the church, consecrated by the celebration of the Eucharist, wherein, Jesus Christ present, honours his Father, and sanctifies the faithful. But two things offended the new Doctors, because they never thoroughly had understood them : one was the oblation, the other the adoration given to Jesus Christ present in these mysteries.

22. — Luther's blind hatred to the Oblation and the Canon of the Mass.

The oblation was nothing but the consecration of the bread and wine, in order to make them the body and blood of Jesus Christ, and render him, by this means, truly present. It was impossible this action should not, of itself, be agreeable to God; nor that the sole presence of Jesus Christ, shewed to his Father, by honouring his supreme majesty, should not be capable of drawing down his graces on us. The new Doctors were bent to believe that a virtue of saving men, independently of faith, was attributed to this presence, and to the action of the mass : we have seen their error, and on so false a pre-supposition did the mass become the object of their aversion. The most holy words of the canon were decried. Luther discovered poison in every part thereof, even in that prayer we there make a little before Communion — " O Lord Jesus Christ, Son of the living God, who by thy death hast given life to the world, by thy body and blood free me from all my sins." Luther, who could believe it ! condemned these last words, and would imagine that we attributed our deliverance to the body and blood, independently of faith, without reflecting that this prayer, addressed to Jesus Christ, Son of the living God, who by his death has given life to the world, was itself, in every part, an act of the most lively faith. No matter : Luther said, that the monks attributed " their salvation to the body and blood of Jesus Christ, without mentioning one word of faith¹⁴." If the priest, at communion, said with the Psalmist, " I will take the heavenly bread,

VI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 219 and call upon the name of the Lord¹⁵," Luther found fault with it, and said, " that we improperly, and unseasonably, turned off the mind from faith to works." How blind is hatred ! how envenomed must that heart be which poisons such holy things !

23. — In what sense we offer in the Mass for the redemption of mankind — The Ministers forced to approve this sense.

No wonder if, after this, they shewed the same virulence against the words of the canon, where it is said that "the faithful offer this sacrifice of praise for the redemption of their souls." The most passionate of their ministers are now obliged to own, that the intention of the church here is to offer for the redemption, not to merit it anew, as if the cross had not merited it, but " in thanksgiving for so great a benefit," and with the design of applying it to ust- But never would Luther or the Lutherans enter into so natural a sense ; nothing would they see in the Mass but horror and abomination : thus, all that was most holy in it was wrested to an evil sense ; and thence concluded Luther " that the Canon ought to be as much abominated as the Devil himself/'

24. — The whole Mass is comprehended in the Real Presence alone — This Presence cannot be admitted without owning it permanent, and existing out of the Reception.

In the hatred which the Reformation had conceived against the Mass, nothing was so much desired as to sap the foundation of it, which, after all, was nothing else but the Real Presence. For upon this presence did the Catholics ground the whole worth and virtue of the Mass : this was the only basis of the oblation, and all the other worship ; and Jesus Christ there present constituted its very essence. Calixtus|, a Lutheran, has owned, that one of the reasons, not to say the principal one, which made so great a part of the Reformation to deny the Real Presence, was, because they knew no better way to destroy the Mass and the entire worship of Popery. Luther, could he have done it, would himself have come into this sentiment ; and we have seen what he said of the inclination he had to shake off Popery in this particular as well as others. And yet, whilst he re-

% Judic. Calix. N. 47, p. 70. N. 51, p. 78. S. lib. ii. N. 1.

tained, as he saw himself forced to do, the literal sense, and the Real Presence, it was evident that the Mass subsisted entire ; for, upon his retaining this literal sense, the Catholics concluded, not only that the Eucharist was the true body, since Jesus Christ had said " this is my body," but also that it was the body from the time Christ had pronounced it so ; consequently, before the manducation, and from the very instant of consecration, since it was not then said, " this shall be," but " this is ;" a doctrine wherein we shall now perceive the whole Mass to be contained.

25. — The Real Presence permanent and independent of the Reception retained by Luther, even after he had suppressed the Elevation.

This consequence, which the Catholics drew from the Real Presence to the Permanent Presence, and subsisting independent of its use, was so clear that Luther had acknowledged it f 5 it was on this foundation that he had always retained the Elevation of the Host, even to the year 1543, and, even after he had abolished it, lie still writes, in his " Little Confession," in 1544, that " it might be retained with piety, as a testimonial of the real and corporeal presence in the bread, since, by this action, the priest did say, ' Behold, Christians, this is the body of Jesus Christ, which was given for you.' " Whence, it appears, that, although he had changed the ceremony of Elevation, he did not change the foundation of his sentiment on the Real Presence, but continued to own it immediately after the Consecration.

26. — Melancthon finds no other means of destroying the Mass, but by denying the Permanent Presence.

With this faith it is impossible to deny the sacrifice of the altar ; for what will they have Jesus Christ do before his body and blood are eaten, but to render himself present for us before his Father ? It was, then, in order to hinder so natural a consequence, that Melancthon sought always to reduce this presence to the sole manducation ; and it was chiefly at the conference of Ratisbon that he displayed this part of his doctrine. Charles the Fifth had ordered this conference in 1541, betwixt the Catholics and Protestants, that means might be found out for reconciling both religions. It was there that Melancthon, acknowledging, according to his custom, the real and substantial presence together with

VI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 221 the Catholics, took great pains to show that the Eucharist, like other sacraments, was not a sacrament, except in the lawful use thereof, that is, as he understood it, except in the actual reception¹⁶.

27. — Melancthon'' s frivolous reasons.

The comparison he drew from the other Sacraments was very weak ; for, in signs of this nature, where all depends on the will of the institutor, it appertains not to us to prescribe him general laws, nor to tell him he can make but one kind of sacraments ; in the institution of his sacraments he might have proposed to himself divers designs, which must be understood from the words he employed at each particular institution. Now, Jesus Christ having said, precisely, " this is," the effect ought to be as speedy as the words are powerful and true j nor was there room for further reasoning.

28. — Other, as frivolous, reasons.

But Melancthon replied ; and this was his main argument, which he ceased not to repeat, that God's promise not being made to the bread, but to man, the body of our Lord ought not to be in the bread but when man received itf . By a similar method of reasoning it might as well be concluded, that the bitterness of the waters of Mara was not corrected!, nor the waters of Cana made wine¹⁷, but at the time they were drank, since these miracles were wrought only for the men who drank of it. As, then, these changes were made in the water, but not for the water, there is no reason we should not likewise acknowledge a change in the bread which is not for the bread ; there is no reason, why this heavenly bread, as well as the terrestrial, should not be made and prepared befoi'e it be eaten, nor can I conceive how Melancthon should lay such stress on so pitiful an argument.

29. — These reasons of Melancthon destroyed all Luther's doctrine.

But the most considerable thing here is, that by this reasoning, he attacked his master Luther, no less than he did the Catholics ; for, by proving that nothing at all was done in the bread, he proved that nothing was done in it in any

■J- Hosp. pp. 154, 179,180. Mel, lib, ii. ep. 25, 40. lib. iii. 188, 189, Ac,

% Exod. xv. 2J. § Joan. ii.

instant, and that the body of our Lord is not there, either in the reception, or out of the reception ; but that man, to whom this promise is addressed, receives it at the presence of the bread, as at the presence of water he receives, in baptism, the Holy Ghost and sanctifying grace. Melancthon saw well this consequence, as it will appear hereafter ; but whether he had the cunning to conceal it then, or Luther looked not so narrowly into it, the hatred he had conceived against the Mass, made him pass over all that was advanced in order to destroy it.

30. — Melancthon 's last reason more weak than all the rest.

Melancthon made use of another argument still weaker than the foregoing ones. He said that Jesus Christ would not be tied ; and that to bind him to the bread, further than the time of using it, was to take away his free will¹⁸. How can one think such a thing, and say, that the free-will of Jesus Christ is destroyed by a tie that proceeds from his own choice? His word binds him, without doubt, because he is faithful and true ; but this bond is not less voluntary than inviolable.

31. — Melancthon 's true reason was, because he could not separate the Mass from the Real Presence, were that owned 'permanent. — Luther's saying.

This was what human reason opposed to the mystery of Jesus Christ ; vain subtilties, mere quirks: but a weightier motive lay at the bottom of all this. Melancthon's true reason was, because he could not deny but that Jesus Christ, placed on the holy table before the manducation and by the sole consecration of the bread and wine, was an object of itself agreeable to God, which attested his supreme excellence interceded for men, and had all the conditions of a true oblation. In this manner the Mass subsisted, neither could it be overthrown, but by overthrowing the real presence out of the manducation. Accordingly, when Luther was told that Melancthon had strenuously denied this presence at the Conference of Ratisbon, Hospinian reports, he cried out, " Cheer up, my dear Melancthon, the Mass is now fallen to the ground — thou hast destroyed the mystery which, hitherto, I had struck at, but in vain.'f " Thus, by the Protestants' own confession, the sacrifice of the Eucharist will ever remain

VI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 223 immovable, as long as in these words, li This is my body,1' an effectual presence shall be admitted ; and in order to destroy the Mass, the effect of our Saviour's words must be suspended, their natural sense be taken away, and (i this is" be changed into " this shall be."

32. — Melancthon's dissimulation — Luther's notable Letters in favour of the Permanent Presence.

Although Luther permitted Melancthon to say whatever he pleased against the Mass, yet he in nowise departed from his former notions, nor did he reduce the presence of Jesus Christ in the Eucharist to the bare reception of it. It is even plain that Melancthon shifted with him on this subject ; and there are two of Luther's letters, in 1543, wherein he commends a saying of Melancthon's, " that the presence was in the action of the Supper, but not in a precise and mathematical point¹⁹." As for Luther, he determined the time to be from the Pater Noster which was said in the Lutheran Mass immediately after the Consecration, until all the people had communicated, and all the remaining particles were consumed. But why stops he there ? If, at that instant, the communion had been carried to the absent, as St. Justin tells us was done in his time-f*, what reason would there have been to say, that Jesus Christ had immediately withdrawn his sacred presence ? But why should he not continue it for some days after, when the Holy Sacrament should be reserved for the communion of the sick ? It is nothing but mere caprice to take away the presence of Jesus Christ in this case ; and Luther and the Lutherans had no longer any rule, when, out of the actual reception, they admitted the use of it but for never so short a time. But Avhat made still more against them is, that the Mass and Oblation always remained ; and, had there been but one moment of presence before the communion, this presence of Jesus Christ could not be deprived of any of the advantages which attended it. For which reason Melancthon always aimed, whatever he might say to Luther, at placing the presence in the precise time of the reception alone, and this only way could he find of destroying the Oblation and Mass.

33. — The Elevation irreprehensible, according to Luther's sentiments.

Nor was there any other way for destroying the Elevation and Adoration. It has been shown that, at taking away the

Elevation, Luther, so far from condemning it, approved the principle of it. 1 repeat once more his words :• — " The Elevation (he says) may be preserved, as a testimonial of the real and corporal presence ; since the doing that is saying to the people, Behold, Christians, this is the body of Jesus Christ, which was given for you²⁰." This -was what Luther wrote after abolishing the Elevation ; but why, then, one may may say, did he abolish it ? The reason is worthy of the man; and we learn from himself, " that if he attacked the Elevation, it was only out of spite to the Papacy ; and, if he retained it so long, it was out of spite to Carlostadius. In a word (concludes he), it should be retained when it was rejected as impious, and it should be rejected when commanded as necessaryf." But, upon the whole, he acknowledged what, indeed, is not to be doubted — that there could be no difficulty in showing to the people this divine body from the very time it began to be present.

34.— The Adoration necessary. — Formal avowal of Luther after many variations.

As to the Adoration, after having one while held it as indifferent, and another laid it down as necessary, he at length adhered to his last conclusion]; ; and in the positions which he published against the Doctors of Louvain, in 1545, that is a year before his death, he called the Eucharist " the adorable sacrament²¹." The Sacramentarian party, who had so much triumphed when he set aside the Elevation, was in a consternation ; and Calvin wrote, " that, by this decision, he had raised up the idol in God's temple ||."

35. — The Divines of Wittemberg and Leipsic own, with Melancthon, that there is no avoiding the sacrifice, the Transubstantiation and the Adoration, but by changing Luther's doctrine.

Melancthon was then more than ever convinced that it was impossible to destroy the Adoration, or the Mass, without reducing the whole Real Presence to the precise moment of the manducation. He saw, even, that it was necessary to go further, and that all the points of Catholic doctrine relating to the Eucharist returned upon them one after another, if they did not find out a way to separate the body and blood from

\ Hosp. 14, 1545. $ Ad Art. Lov. Thesi. 16. t. ii. 501.

|i Ep. adBuc. p. 108.

VI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 225 the bread and wine. He then pushed the principle already spoken of so far as that nothing was done for the bread and wine, but all for man : insomuch, that in man only was the body and blood to be really found. Melancthon has never explained in what manner he would have this to be done : but as to the foundation of this doctrine, he never left off insinuating it with great secrecy, and in the most artful manner he was able : for there were no hopes, as long as Luther lived, of making him relent on this point, nor of being able to speak freely what men thought : but Melanc thon so deeply rooted this doctrine in the minds of the Wittemberg and Leipsic divines, that, after Luther and he were dead, they plainly explained themselves in favour of it in an Assembly, which, by the Elector's orders, they held at Dresden in 1561. There they feared not to reject Luther's proper doctrine, and the Real Presence which he admitted in the bread ; and finding no other means of defending themselves against Transubstantiation, the Adoration, and Sacrifice, they went over to the Real Presence taught them by Melancthon ; not in the bread and wine, but in the faithful who received them*. They declared, therefore, " That the true substantial body was truly and substantially given in the Supper, although there was no necessity of saying that the bread was the essential body or the proper body of Jesus Christ, or that it was corporally and carnally taken by the corporeal mouth ; that ubiquity raised a horror in them ; that it was a subject of astonishment that men should be so positive in affirming that the body was present in the bread, since it was of much more importance to consider what is done in man, for whom, and not for the bread, Jesus Christ rendered himself present." After that they explained their sentiments concerning the Adoration, and maintained that it could not be denied admitting the Real Presence in the bread, although it should even be explained that the body is not present in it except in the actual use ; " That the Monks would always have the same reason for beseeching the eternal Father to hear them through his Son, whom they rendered present in this action ; that the Supper having been instituted for the remembrance of Jesus Christ, as he could not be taken nor remembered without believing in, and calling on him, the addressing one's self to him in the Supper as present, and as placing himself in the hands of sacrificing priests after the words of Consecration, could by no means be hin- dered." By the same reason they maintained that, admitting this Real Presence of the body in the bread, the sacrifice could not be rejected, and they proved it by this example. " It was (said they) the ancient custom of all suppliants, to take in their arms the children of those whose assistance they implored, and present them to their fathers, in order to prevail with them by their interposition." They said, in the same manner, that having Jesus Christ present in the bread and wine of the Supper, nothing could hinder us from presenting him to his Father, in order to render him propitious to us ; and, lastly, they concluded " that it would be much more easy for the monks to establish their transubstantiation, than for those to impugn it, who, rejecting it in word, affirmed, nevertheless, that the bread was the essential body, that is, the proper body of Jesus Christ."

36. — Luther's doctrine, immediately after his death, changed by the Divines of Wittemberg.

Luther had said at Smalcald, and made the whole party subscribe to it, that the bread was the true body of our Lord equally received by saints and sinners : he himself had said, in his last " Confession of Faith," approved by the whole party, " that the bread of the Eucharist is the true natural body of our Lord²²." Melancthon and all Saxony had received this doctrine with all the rest, for Luther would be obeyed : but, after his death, they fell off from it, and owned with us, that these words, " the bread is the true body," import necessarily the change of bread into the body ; since, it being impossible for the bread to be the body by nature, it could not become so but by a change ; thus they openly rejected their master's doctrinef . But they went much further in the above declaration, and confess that, admitting, as Lutherans had hitherto done, the Real Presence in the bread, there could be no objection to the sacrifice, which Catholics offer to God, nor to the adoration they pay to Jesus Christ in the Eucharist.

37. — No answering the arguments of these Divines.

Their proofs are convincing. If Jesus Christ is believed to be in the bread, if faith lays hold of him in this state, can this faith subsist without adoration ? Does not this faith itself necessarily imply the highest adoration, since it draws after it the invocation of Jesus Christ, as Son of God, and as there

VI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 227 present ? The proof of the sacrifice is not less conclusive : for, as these divines say, if, by the sacramental words, Jesus Christ is rendered present in the bread, is not this presence of Jesus Christ of itself agreeable to the Father, and can our prayers be sanctified by a more holy oblation than that of Jesus Christ present ? What do Catholics say more, and what is their sacrifice else but Jesus Christ present in the sacrament of the Eucharist, and representing himself to his Father the victim by which he had been appeased ? There is no way, then, of avoiding the sacrifice, no more than the adoration and transubstantiation, without denying this real presence of Jesus Christ in the bread.

38. — The Wittemberg Divines return to Luther" 's sentiment, and ivhy ? The Catholics alorie have a consistent doctrine.

Thus the Church of Wittemberg, the Mother of the Reformation, and whence, according to Calvin, the light of the Gospel proceeded in our days as it proceeded formerly from Jerusalem, no longer can maintain the sentiments of Luther, her first founder²³. The whole doctrine of this head of the Reformation contradicts itself: he invincibly establishes the literal sense and real presence : he rejects the necessary consequences therefrom, as maintained by Catholics. If, with him, the real presence is admitted in the bread, the whole Mass, with the Catholic doctrine, must of course be admitted without reserve. This seems too grating to these new Reformers ; for what good have they been doing, if they must be forced to approve these things, with the whole worship of the Church of Rome? but, on the other side, what more chimerical than a real presence separated from the bread and wine? Was it not, in shewing the bread and wine, that Jesus Christ said, " This is my body?" Has he said, we should receive his body and blood divided from those things wherein it was his pleasure they should be contained ; and if we are to receive the proper substance of them, must it not be after such a manner as he declared at the institution of this mystery ? In these inextricable difficulties, the desire of abolishing the Mass prevailed ; but the method which Melancthon and the Saxons had taken to destroy it was so bad, that it could not subsist. Those of Wittemberg and Leipsic themselves soon after came back, and Luther's opinion, which placed the body in the bread, kejDt its ground.

39. — Luther more furious than ever towards the end of Ms days: his transports against the doctors of Louvain.

Whilst this head of the Reformers' drew near his end, he daily became more and more furious. His theses against the doctors of Louvain are a proof of it. I never can believe that his disciples will behold, without shame, the prodigious aberrations of his mind even to the last period of his life. Sometimes he plays the buffoon, but in the lowest way imaginable, and fills his theses with these wretched equivoques : vaccultas, instead of facultas ; cacolyca ecclesia, instead of catholica ; because he finds in these two words, vaccultas and cacolyca, a frigid illusion with kine, wicked men, and wolves. To scoff at the custom of calling doctors our masters, he always styles those of Louvain nostrolli magistrolli, bruta magistrollia : persuaded he makes them very odious or contemptible by these ridiculous diminutives of his own coining. When he has a mind to speak more seriously, he call these doctors " Downright beasts, hogs, Epicureans, pagans, and atheists, who are unacquainted with any other repentance but that of Judas and Saul, who do not take from scripture, but from the doctrine of men, all they vomit out; and adds, what I dare not translate, quidquid ructant, vomunt, et cacant." * Thus did he forget all kind of shame, and valued not the making himself a public laughing-stock, provided he drove all to extremes against his adversaries.

40.—~His last sentiments concerning the Zuinglians.

He treated the Zuinglians no better ; and, besides what he said of the adorable sacrament, which utterly destroyed their doctrine, he declared seriously that he held them for heretics, and shut out of the pale of God's Church +. He wrote, at the same time, a letter, wherein, upon the Zuinglians having called him an unhappy wretch, " They have afforded me a great pleasure," says he : " I, therefore, the most unhappy of all men, esteem myself happy for one thing onry, and covet no other beatitude than that of the Psalmist : happy is the man that hath not been in the council of the Sacramentarians, and hath never walked in the ways of the Zuinglians, nor sat in the chair of those of Zurich." Melancthon and his friends were ashamed of these extravagances of their master. There were secret murmurings in the party, but none durst speak out. If the Sacramentarians complained of Luther's

VI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 229 transports to Melancthon, and those, who were better affected towards them, they answered, J1 That he softened the expressions in his books by his familiar discourses, and comforted them, for that their master, when he was heated, spoke more than he meant to speak ; which, said they, was a great inconvenience *," but what they could not help.

41. — Luther's Death.

The above letter was of the twenty-fifth of January, 1546. The eighteenth of February following, Luther died. The Zuinglians, who could not refuse him praises without ruining the Reformation, of which he had been the founder, to comfort themselves for the implacable enmity he had evinced towards them, even to his death, spread abroad some conversations he had held with his friends, wherein they pretended he was much mitigated. These accounts carried no appearance of truth ; but truly, whether they did or no, it is of little importance to the design of this work. I write not on private conversations, but acts only and public works ; and if Luther had given these new instances of his inconstancy, it would, however, be the business of the Lutherans to furnish us wherewith to defend him.

42. — A new 'piece produced by Mr. Burnet on Luther's sentiment.

To omit nothing of what I know concerning this fact, I shall observe, moreover, that I find in Mr. Burnet's " History of the English Reformation," a letter of Luther's to Bucer, which is given us under this title : " A paper concerning a reconciliation with the Zuinglians f. This piece of Mr. Burnet's, if considered, not in the extract which this artful historian makes of it in his history, but as it is in his " Collection of Records j," will set forth the extravagances that pass in the minds of innovators. Luther begins with this remark, " That it must not be said, they understood not one another." This is what Bucer always pretended, that their disputes were only on words, and that they understood not one another : but Luther could not suffer such an illusion.

f The author was not apprised that Bishop Burnet had falsified this record by changing nihil minus into nihi/ominus. This was first charged with, and the fact proved against him, by Dr. Hicks. In the latter editions of his history the fault is corrected in the " Collection of Records," though his inferences from it still remain in the body of his work. T. xi. 1. i. An. 1549. p. 105.

X Collec. of Records, part ii. lib. i.n.34.

230 THE HISTORY OP [BOOK

In the second place, he proposes a new thought to reconcile the two opinions : " The defenders of the figurative sense must allow (says he) that Jesus Christ is truly present : and we (proceeds he) will grant that the bread alone is eaten : panem solum manducari." He does not say, we will grant, " that in the sacrament there is truly bread and wine," as Mr. Burnet has translated it ; for that had not been a new opinion, such as Luther here promises. It is sufficiently known that consubstantiation, which admits both the bread and wine in the Sacrament, had been received in Lutheranism from its first beginning.

But the new thing he proposes is, that although the body and blood be truly present, nevertheless there is nothing eaten but bread alone: so absurd a refinement, that Mr. Burnet could not hide the absurdity of it any other way than by suppressing it. But there is no need of troubling oneself to find out sense in this new project of agreement. After having proposed it as useful, Luther turns short ; and, considering what an inlet would thereby be opened to new questions tending to introduce Epicurism : " No, (says he,) it is better leaving these two opinions just as they are, than proceed to these new explications of them, which, far from making them pass on mankind, would indeed only serve to exasperate them the more. Finally, to allay this dissension, which, he says, he would have redeemed with his body and blood, he declares, on his side, that he is willing to believe his adversaries are sincere. He demands they would believe as much of him, and concludes for mutually bearing with one another, without specifying in what manner that was to be done : so that he seems to mean nothing else by it, than abstaining from writing and giving one another abusive language, as had already been agreed upon, but with very little success, at the conference of Marpurg. This is all that Bucer could obtain for the Zuinglians, even when Luther was in his best humour, and, probably, during those years when there was a kind of suspension of arms. However that may be, he soon returns to his old temper ; and, for fear the Sacramentarians should endeavour, after his death, to wrest him by their equivocations to their own sentiments, towards the end of his life, he made those declarations against them we have already seen, leaving his disciples as much animated against them as he himself had been.

VI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 231

RECORDS CONCERNING THE SECOND MARRIAGE OF THE LAND- GRAVE SPOKEN OF IN THIS BOOK VI.

INSTRUCTIG.

Quid Doctor Martinus Bucer apud Doctorem Martinum Lutherum, et Philippum Melancthonem solicitare debeat, et, si id ipsis rectum videbitur, postmodum apud Electorem Saxionae.

I. Primo, ipsis gratiam et fausta meo nomine denunciet, et si corpore animoque adhuc bene valerent, quod id libentor intelligerem. Deinde incipiendo quod ab eo tempore quo me noster Dominus Deus infirmitate visitavit, varia apud me considerassem, et prsesertim quod in me repererim quod ego ab aliquo tempore, quo uxorem duxi, in adulterio et fornicatione jacuerim. Quia vero ipsi et mei prsedicantes ssepe me adhortati sunt ut ad Sacramentum accederem: Ego autem apud me talem prsefatam vitam deprehendi, nulla bona conscientia aliquot annis ad Sacramentum accedere potui. Nam quia talem vitam deserere nolo, qua bona conscientia possem ad mensam Domini accedere ? Et sciebam per hoc non aliter quam ad judicium Domini, et non ad Christianam confessionem me perventurum. Ulterius legi in Paulo pluribus quam uno locis, quomodo nullus fornicator, nee adulter reo-» num. Dei possidebit. Quia vero apud me deprehendi quod apud meam uxorem proesentem a fornicatione ac luxuria, atque adulterio abstinere non possim : nisi ab hac vita desistam, et ad emendationem me convertam, nihil certius habeo expectandum quam exhseredationem a regno Dei et seternam damnationem. Causae autem, quare a fornicatione, adulterio, et his similibus abstinere non possim apud hanc meam prassentem uxorem sunc istse.

II. Primo quod initio, quo earn duxi, nee animo nee desiderio earn complexus fuerim. Quali ipsa quoque complexione, amabilitate, et odore sit, et quomodo interdum se superrluo potu gerat,hoc sciunt ipsius aulse praefecti, et virgines, aliique plures : cumque ad ea describenda difficultatem habeam, Bucero tamen omnia declaravi.

III. Secundo, quia valida complexione, ut medici sciunt, sum, et ssepe contingit ut in foederum et Imperii comitiis diu verser, ubi laute vivitur et corpus curatur ; quomodo me ibi gerere queam absque uxore, cum non semper magnum gvnaeceum mecumducere possim, facile est conjicere et considerare.

IV. Si porro diceretur quare meam uxorem duxerim, vere imprudens homo tunc temporis fui, et ab aliquibus meorum

233 THE HISTORY OP [BOOK consiliariorum, quorum potior pars defuncta est, ad id persuasus sum. Matrimonium meum ulti²⁴a tres septimanas non servavi, et sic constanter perrexi.

V. Ulterius me concionatores constanter urgent, ut scelera puniam, fornicationem, etalia; quod etiam libenter facerem: quomodo autem scelera, quibus ipsemet immersus sum, puniam, ubi omnes dicerent, " Magister, prius teipsum puni ?" Jam si deberem in rebus evangelicse confoederationis bellare, tunc id semper mala conscientia facerem et cogitarem : Si tu in hac vita gladio, vel sclopeto, vel alio modo occubueris, ad Demonem perges. Ssepe Deum interea invocavi, et rogavi : sed semper idem remansi.

VI. Nunc vero diligenter consideravi scripturas antiqui et novi Testamenti, et quantum mihi gratiae Deus dedit, studiose perlegi, et ibi nullum aliud consilium nee medium invenire potui ; cum videam quod ab hoc agendi modo penes moder- 11 am uxorem meam nec possim, nec velim abstinere (quod coram Deo testor) quam talia media adhibendo, quae a Deo permissa nec prohibita sunt. Quod pii Patres ut Abraham, Jacob, David, Lamech, Salomon, et alii, plures quam unam uxorem habuerint, et in eundum Christum crediderent, in quern nos credimus, quemadmodum S. Paulus ad Cor.x. ait; et prseterea Deus in veteri Testamento tales Sanctos valde laudarit : Christus quoque eosdem in novo Testamento valde laudat,insuperlex Moisis permittit,si quis duas uxores habeat, quomodo se in hoc gerere debeat.

VII. Et si objiceretur, Abrahamo et antiquis concessum fuisse propter Christum promissum, invenitur tamen clare quod Lex Moisis permittat, et in eo neminem specificet ac dicat, utrum duse uxores habendae, et sic neminem excludit. Et si Christus solum promissus sit stemmati Judae, et nihilominus Samuelis pater, Rex Achabetalii, plures uxores habuerunt, qui tamen non sunt de stemmate Judee. Idcirco hoc, quod istis id solum permissum fuerit propter Messiam, stare non potest.

VIII. Cum igitur nec Deus in antiquo, nec Christus in novo Testamento, nec Prophets, nec Apostoli prohibeant, ne vir duas uxores habere possit; nullus quoque Propheta, vel Apostolus propterea Reges, Principes, vel alias personas punierit aut vituperarit, quod duas uxores in matrimonio simul habuerint, neque pro crimine aut peccato, vel quod Dei regnum non consequentur, judicarit ; cum tamen Paulus multos indicet qui regnum Dei non consequentur, et de his qui duas uxores habent, nullam omnino mentionem faciat. Apostoli quoque cum gentibus indicarent quomodo se gerere,

VI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 233 et & quibus abstinere deberent, ubi illos prim 6 ad fidem receperant, uti in Actis Apostolorum est ; de hoc etiam nihil prohibuerunt, quod non duas uxores in matrimonio habere possent ; cum tamen multi Gentiles fuerint qui plures quam unam uxorem habuerunt : Judaeis quoque prohibitum non fuit, quia lex illud permittebat,et est omnino apud aliquos in usu. Quando igitur Paulus clare nobis dicit oportere Episcopum esse unius uxoris virum, similiter et Ministrum : absque necessitate fecisset, si quivis tantum unam uxorem deberet habere, quod id ita praecepisset et plures uxores habere prohibuisset.

IX. Etpost haec ad hunc diem usque in orientalibus regionibus aliqui Christiani sunt, qui duas uxores in matrimonio habent. Item Valentinianus Imperator, quem tamen Historici, Ambrosius, et alii Docti laudant, ipsemet duas uxores habuit, legem quoque edi curavit; quod alii duas uxores habere possent.

X. Item, licet quod sequitur non multum curem, Papa ipsemet Comiti cuidam, qui sanctum sepulchrum invisit, et intellexerat uxorem suam mortuam esse, et ideo aliam vel adhuc unam acceperat, concessit ut is utramque retinere posset. Item scio Lutherum et Philippum Regi Angliae suasisse, ut primam uxorem non dimitteret, sed aliam praeter ipsam duceret quemadmodum prceter propter consilium sonat. Quando vero in contrarium opponeretur, quod ille nullum masculum haeredem ex prima habuerit, judicamus nos plus hie concedi oportere causae quam Paulus dat, unumquemque debere uxorem habere propter fornicationem. Nam utique plus situm est in bona conscientia, salute animae,christiana vita, abstractione ab ignominia et inordinata luxuria, quam in eo ut quis haeredes vel nullos habeat. Nam omnino plus animae quam res temporales curandae sunt.

XL ltaque haec omni ame permoverunt, ut mihi proposuerim, quia id cum Deo fieri potest, sicut non dubito, abstinere a, fornicatione, et omni impudicitia, et via, quam Deus permittit, uti. Nam diutius in vinculis diaboli constrictus perseverare non intendo, et alias absque hac via me praeservare nec possum, nec volo. Quare haec sit mea ad Lutherum, Philippum et ipsum Bucerum petitio, ut mihi testimonium dare velint, si hoc facerem, illud illicitum non esse.

XII. Casu quo autem id ipsi hoc tempore propter scandalum, et quod Evangelicae rei fortassis praejudicare aut nocere posset, publice typis mandare non vellent ; petitionem tamen meam esse, ut mihi scripto testimonium dent : si id occulto facerem me per id non contra Deum egisse, et quod²⁵ ipsi etiam id pro matrimonio habere, et cum tempore viam inquirere velint, quomodo res haec publicanda in mundum, et qua ratione persona quam ducturus sum, non pro inhonesta, sed etiam pro honesta habenda sit. Considerare enim possent, quod alias personse quam ducturus sum graviter accideret, si ilia pro tali habenda esset quae non Christiane vel inhoneste ageret. Post quam etiam nihil occultum remanet, si constanter ita permanerem, et communis Ecclesia nesciret quomodo huic persona? cohabitarem, utique heec quoque tractu temporis scandalum causaret.

XIII. Item non metuant quod propterea, etsi aliam uxorem acciperem, meam modernam uxorem male tractare, nee cum ea dormire ; vel minorem amicitiam ei exhibere velim, quam antea feci : sed me velle in hoc casu crucem portare, et eidem omne bonum prsestare, neq\ie ab eadem abstinere. Volo etiam filios, quos ex prima uxore suscepi, Principes regionis relinquere, et reliquis aliis honestis rebus prospicere : esse proinde adhuc semel peti tionem meam, ut per Deum in hoc mihi consulant, et me juvent in iis rebus, quse non sunt contra Deum, ut hilari animo vivere et mori, atque Evangelicas causas omnes eo liberius, et magis Christiane suscipere possim. Nam quidquid me jusserint quod Christianum et rectum sit, sive Monasteriorum bona, seu alia concernat, ibi me promptum reperient.

XIV. Vellem quoque et desidero non plures quam tantum unam uxorem ad istam modernam uxorem meam. Item ad mundum vel mundanum fructum hac in re non nimis attendendum est ; sed magis Deus respiciendus, et quod hie preecipit, prohibet, et liberum relinquit. Nam imperator et mundus me et quemcunque permittent, ut publice meretrices retineamus ; sed plures quam unam uxorem non facile concesserint. Quod Deus permittit hoc ipsi prohibent : quod Deus prohibet, hoc dissimulant, et videtur mihi sicut matrimonium Sacerdotum. Nam rSacerdotibus nullas uxores concedunt, et meretrices retinere ipsis permittunt. Item Ecclesiastici nobis adeo infensi sunt, ut propter hunc articulum quo plures Christianis uxores permitteremus, nee plus nee minus nobis facturi sint.

XV. Item Philippo et Luthero postmodum indicabit, si apud illos, prseter omnem tamen opinionem meam de illis nullam opem inveniam ; turn me varias cogitationes habere in animo : quod velim apud Csesarem pro hac re instare per mediatores, etsi multis mihi pecuniis constaret, quod Ceesar absque Pontificis dispensatione non faceret ; quamvis etiam Pontificum dispensatonem omnino nihil! faciam: verum Csesaris

VI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 235 permissio mihi omnino non esset contemnenda ; quam Caesaris permissionem omnino non curarem, nisi scirem quod propositi mei rationem coram Deo haberem, et certius esset Deum id permisisse quam prohibuisse.

XVI. Verum nihilominus ex humano metu, si apud hanc partem nullum solatium invenire possem, Caesareum consensum obtinere, uti insinuatum est, non esset contemnendum. Nam apud me judicabam si aliquibus Caesaris Consiliariis egregias pecuniae summas donarem, me omnia ab ipsis impetraturum : sed praeterea timebam, quamvis propter nullam rem in terra ab Evangelio deficere, vel cum divina ope me permittere velim induci ad aliquid quod Evangelicae causae contrarium esse posset : ne Caesareani tamen me in aliis saecularibus negotiis ita uterentur et obligarent ut isti causas et parti non foret utile : esse idcirc6 adhuc petitionem meam, ut me alias juvent, ne cogar rem in iis locis quaerere, ubi id non libenter facio, et quod millies libentius ipsorum permission], quam cum Deo et bona conscientia facere possunt, confidere velim, quam Caesarea vel aliis humanis permissionibus : quibus tamen non ulterius confiderem nisi antecedenter in divina Scriptura fundatae essent, uti superius est declaratum.

XVII. Denique iterato est mea petitio ut Lutherus, Philippus, et Bucerus mihi hac in re scripto opinionem suam velint aperire, ut postea vitam meam emendare, bona, conscientia ad Sacramentum accedere, et omnia negotia nostrae religionis eo liberius et confidentius agere possim.

Datum Melsingce, Dominica post Catharince Anno 1539.

Philippus Landguaffius HaSSIjE.

THE CONSULTATION OF LUTHER AND THE OTHER PROTESTANT DOCTORS CONCERNING POLYGAMY.

To the most serene Prince and Lord Philip Landgrave of Hesse, Count of Catzenlembogen, of Diets, ofZiegeJihain, and Nidda, our gracious Lord, we icisli above ail things the Grace of God through Jesus Christ.

Most Serene Prince and Lord,

I. Postquam vestra Celsi- I. We have been informed tudo per Dominum Bucerum by Bucer, and iu the instruc-

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[book diuturnas conscientiae suae molestias, nonnullas simulque considerationes indicari curavit, addito scripto seu instructione quam illi vestra Celsitudo tradidit ; licet ita properanter expedire responsum difficile sit, noluimus tamen Dominum Bucerum, reditum, utique maturantem, sine scripto dimittere.

II. Imprimis sumus ex animo recreati, et Deo gratias agimus, quod vestram Celsitudinem difficili morbo liberaverit, petimusque, ut Deus Celsitudinem vestram in corpore et animo confortare et conservare dignetur.

III. Nam prout Celsitudo vestra videt, paupercula et misera Ecclesia est exigua et derelicta, indigens probis Dominis Regentibus, sicut non dubitamus Deum aliquos conservaturum, quantumvis tentationes diversae occurrant.

IV. Circa quaestionem quam nobis Bucerus proposuit, hsec nobis occurrunt consideratione digna: Celsitudo vestra per se ipsam satis perspicit quantum differant universalem legem condere, vel in certo casu gravibus de causis ex tion which your Highness gave him, have read, the trouble of mind, and the uneasiness of conscience your Highness is under at this present ; and although it seemed to us very difficult so speedily to answer the doubts proposed ; nevertheless we would not permit the said Bucer, who was urgent for his return to your Highness, to go away without an answer in writing.

II. It has been a subject of the greatest joy to us, and we have praised God, for that he has recovered your Highness from a dangerous fit of sickness, and we pray that he will long continue this blessing of perfect health both in body and mind.

III. Your Highness is not ignorant how great need our poor, miserable, little, and abandoned Church stands in of virtuous Princes and Rulers to protect her ; and we doubt not but God will always supply her with some such, although from time to time he threatens to deprive her of them, and proves her by sundry temptations.

IV. These things seem to us of greatest importance in the question which Bucer has proposed to us : your Highness sufficiently of yourself comprehends the difference there is betwixt settling an universal law, and

THE VARIATIONS, ETC.

concessione divina, dispensatione uti; nam contra Deum locum non habet dispensatio.

V. Nunc suadere non possumus, ut introducatur publice, et velut lege sanciatur permissio plures quam unam, uxores ducendi. Si aliquid hac de re praelo committeretur, facile intelligit vesti'a Celsitudo, id praecepti instar intellectum et acceptatum iri, unde multa scandala et difficultates orirentur. Consideret, qusesumus, Celsitudo vestra quam sinistre acciperetur, si quis convinceretur hanc legem in Germaniam introduxisse, qua? seternarum litium et inquietudinum (quod timendum) futurum esset seminarium.

VI. Quod opponi potest, quod coram Deo sequum est id omnind permittendum, hoc certa ratione et conditione est accipiendum. Si res est mandata et necessaria, verum est quod objicitur ; si nee mandata, nee necessaria sit, alias circumstantias oportet expendere ut ad propositam questionem propius accedamus : Deus matrimonium instituit ut tan turn duarum et non plurium personarum esset societas, si natura non esset corrupta ; hoc intendit ilia sententia : Erunt duo in came using (for urgent reasons and with God's permission) a dispensation in a particular case : for it is otherwise evident that no dispensations can take place against the first of all laws, the divine law.

V. We cannot at present advise to introduce publicly, and establish as a law in the New Testament, that of the Old, which permitted to have more wives than one. Your Highness is sensible, should any such thing be printed, that it would be taken for a precept, whence infinite troubles and scandals would arise. We beg your Highness to consider the dangers a man would be exposed unto, who should be convicted of having brought into Germany such a law, which would divide families, and involve them in endless strifes and disturbances.

VI. As to the objection that may be made, that what is just in God's sight ought absolutely to be permitted, it must be answered in this manner. If that which is just before God, be besides commanded and necessary, the objection is true : if it be neither necessary nor commanded, other circumstances, before it be permitted, must be attended to ; and to come to the question in hand : God hath instituted marriage to be a society of two persons and no more, supposing nature

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[book una, idque primatus fuit ob- were not corrupted ; and this servatum. is the sense of that text of

Genesis, " There shall be two in one flesh," and this was observed at the beginning.

VII. Lamech was the first that married many wives, and the Scripture witnesses that this custom was inti'oduced contrary to the first Institution.

VIII. It nevertheless passed into custom among infidel nations ; and we even find afterwards, that Abraham and his posterity had many wives. It is also certain from Deuteronomy, that the law of Moses permitted it afterwards, and that God made an allowance for frail nature. Since it is then suitable to the creation of men, and to the first establishment of their society, that each one be content with one wife, it thence follows that the law enjoining it is praiseworthy ; that it ought to be received in the Church ; and no law contrary thereto be introduced into it, because Jesus Christ has repeated in the nineteenth chapter of St. Matthew that text of Genesis, " There shall be two in one flesh :" and brings to man's remembrance what marriage ought to have been before it degenerated from its purity.

IX. Certis tarn en casibus IX. In certain cases, howlocus est dispensationi. Si ever, there is room for dispenquis apud exteras nationes sation. For example, if a

VII. Sed Lamech pluralitatem uxorum in matrimonium invexit, quod de illo Scriptura memorat tanquam in trod uc turn contra primam regulam.

VIII. Apud infideles tamen fuit consuetudine receptum ; postea Abraham quoque et posteri ejus pi u res duxerunt uxores. Certum est hoc postmodum lege Mosis permissum fuisse, teste Scriptura, Deuter. 2. 1. 1. ut homo haberet duas uxores: nam Deus fragili naturae aliquid indulsit. Cum vero principio et creationi consentaneum sit unica uxore contentum vivere, hujusmodi lex est laudabilis, et ab Ecclesia. acceptanda, non lex huic contraria statuenda ; nam Christus repetit hanc sententiam : Erunt duo in came u?id, Matth. xix. etin memoriam revocat quale matrimonium ante humanam fragilitatem esse debuisset.

THE VARIATIONS, ETC captivus ad curam corporis et sanitatem, inibi alteram uxorem superinduceret ; vel si quis haberet leprosam ; his casibus alteram ducere cum consilio sui Pastoris, non intentione novam legem inducendi, sed suae necessitati consulendi, hunc nescimus, qua ratione damnare licerit.

X. Cum igitur aliud sit inducere legem, aliud uti dispensation, obsecramus vestram Celsitudinem sequentia velit considerare.

Primo ante omnia cavendum, ne haec res inducatur in orbem ad modum legis, quam sequendi libera omnium sit potestas. Deinde considerare dignetur vestraCelsitudo scandalum nimium, quod Evangelii hostes exclamaturi sint, nos similes esse Anabaptistis, qui simul plures duxeruntuxores. ItemEvangelicos earn sectari libertatem plures simul ducendi, quae in Turcia in usu est.

XI. Item principum facta latius spargi quam privatorum considered married man, detained captive in a distant country, should there take a second wife, in order to preserve or recover his health, or that his own became leprous, we see not how we could condemn, in these cases, such a man as, by the advice of his Pastor, should take another wife, provided it were not with a design of introducing a new law, but with an eye only to his own particular necessities.

X. Since then the introducing a new law, and the using a dispensation with respect to the same law, are two very different things, we intreat your Highness to take what follows into consideration.

In the first place, above all things, care must be taken, that plurality of wives be not introduced into the world by way of law, for every man to follow as he thinks fit. In the second place, may it please your Highness to reflect on the dismal scandal which would not fail to happen, if occasion be given to the enemies of the Gospel to exclaim, that we are like the Anabaptists, who have several wives at once, and the Turks, who take as many wives as they are able to maintain.

XI. In the third place, that the actions of Princes are more widely spread than those of private men.

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XII. Item consideret privatas personas, hujusmodi principum facta audientes, facile eadera sibi permissa persuadere, prout apparet talia facile irrepere.

XIII. Item considerandum Celsitudinem vestram abundare nobilitateefferi spiritus, in qua multi, uti in aliis quoque terris sint, qui propter amplos proventus, quibus ratione cathedralium beneficiorum perfruuntur, valde evangelio adversantur. Non ignoramus ipsi magnorum nobilium valde insulsa dicta ; et qualem se nobilitas et subdita ditio erga Celsitudinem vestram sit praebitura, si publica introductio fiat, haud difficile est arbitrari.

XIV. Item Celsitudo vestra, quae Dei singularis est gratia, apud reges et potentes etiam exteros mag-no est in honore et respectu ; apud quos merito est, quod timeat ne haec res pariat nominis diminutionem. Cum igitur hie multa scandala confluant, rogamus Celsitudinem vestram, ut hanc rem maturo judicio expendere velit.

XV. Illud quoque est verum quod Celsitudinem ves-

XII. Fourthly, that inferiors are no sooner informed what their superiors do, but they imagine they may do the same, and by that means licentiousness becomes universal.

XIII. Fifthly, that your Highness's estates are filled with an untractable nobility, for the most part very averse to the Gospel, on account of the hopes they are in, as in other countries, of obtaining the benefices of cathedral churches, the revenues whereof are very great. We know the impertinent discourses vented by the most illustrious of your nobility, and it is easily seen how they and the rest of your subjects would be disposed, in case your Highness should authorize such a novelty.

XIV. Sixthly, that your Highness, by the singular grace of God, hath a great reputation in the empire and foreign countries ; and it is to be feared lest the execution of this project of a double marriage should greatly diminish this esteem and respect. The concurrence of so many scandals obliges us to beseech your highness to examine the thing with all the maturity of judgment God has endowed you with.

XV. With no less earnestness do we intreat your High-

THE VARIATIONS, ETC.

tram omni modo rogamus et hortamur, ut fornicationem et adulterium fugiat. Habuimus quoque, ut, quod res est, loquamur, longo tempore non parvuni moerorem, quod intellexerimus vestram Celsitudinem ejusmodi impuritate oneratam, quam divina ultio, moi-bi, aliaque pericula sequi possent.

XVI. Etiam rogamus Celsitudinem vestram ne talia extra matrimonium, levia peccata velit sestimare, sicut mundus hsec ventis tradere et parvi pendere solet : Veriim Deus impudicitiam ssepe severissime punivit : nam poena diluvii tribuitur regentum adulteriis. Item adulterium Davidis est severum vindictse divinse exemplum, et Paulus ssepius ait ; Deus non irridetur. Adulteri non introibunt in regnum Dei : nam fidei obedientia comes esse debet, ut non contra conscientiam agamus, 1 Timoth. iii. Si cor nostrum non reprehenderit nos, possumus lseti Deum invocare ; et Rom. viii. Si carnaliadesideria spiritu mortificaverimus, vivemus ; si autem secundum carnem ambulemus : hoc est, si contra conscientiam, agamus, moriemur.

ness, by all means, to avoid fornication and adultery ; and, to own the truth sincerely, we have a long time been sensibly grieved to see your Highness abandoned to such impurities, which might be followed by the effects of the divine vengeance, distempers, and many other dangerous consequences.

XVI. We also beg of your Highness not to entertain a notion, that the use of women out of marriage is but a light and trifling fault, as the world is used to imagine; since God hath often chastised impurity with the most severe punishment : and that of the deluge is attributed to the adulteries of the great ones : and the adultery of David has afforded a terrible instance of the divine vengeance : and St. Paul repeats frequently, that God is not mocked with impunity, and that adulterers shall not enter into the kingdom of God. For it is said, in the second chapter of the first Epistle to Timothy, that obedience must be the companion of faith, in order to avoid acting against conscience ; and in the third chapter of the first of St. John ; if our heart condemn us not, we may call upon the name of God with joy : and in the eighth chapter of the epistle to the Romans, if by the spirit we mortify the desires of the flesh, we shall live ; but, on vol. r.

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XVII. Haec referimus, lit consideret Deum ob talia vitia non rid ere, prout aliqui audaces faciunt, et ethnicas cogitationes animo fovent. Libenter quoque intelleximus vestram Celsitudinem ob ejusmodi vitia angi et conqueri. Incumbunt Celsitudini vestrse negotia totum mundum concernentia. Accedit Celsitudinis vestrse complexio snbtilis, et minime robusta, ac pauci somni, unde merito corpori parcendum esset, quemadmodum multi alii facere coguntur.

XVIII. Legitur de laudatissimo Principe Scanderbego, qui multa praeclara facinora patravit contra duos Turcarum Imperatores,Amurathem et Mahumetem, et Graeciam dum viveret, feliciter tuitus est, ac conservavit. Hie suos milites saepius ad castimoniam hortari auditus est, et dicere, nullam rem fortibus viris aeque animos demere ac Venerem. Item quod si vestra Celsitudo insuper alteram the contrary, we shall die, if we walk according to the flesh, that is, if we act against our own consciences.

XVII. We have related these passages, to the end that your Highness may consider seriously that God looks not on the vice of impurity as a laughing matter, as is supposed by those audacious libertines, who entertain heathenish notions on this subject. We are pleased to find that your Highness is troubled with remorse of conscience for these disorders. The management of the most important affairs in the world is now incumbent on your Highness, who is of a very delicate and tender complexion; sleeps but little; and these reasons, which have obliged so many prudent persons to manage their constitutions, are more than sufficient to prevail with your Highness to imitate them.

XVIII. We read of the incomparable Scanderbeg, who so frequently defeated the two most powerful Emperors of the Turks, Amurat II. and Mahomet II., and whilst alive, preserved Greece from their tyranny, that he often exhorted his soldiers to chastity, and said to them, that there was nothing so hurtful to men of their profession, as venereal pleasures. And if your Highness, after marrying a

THE VARIATIONS, ETC.

uxorem haberet, et nollet pravis affectibus et consuetudinibus repugnare, adhuc non esset vestrae Celsitudini consultum ac prospectum. Qportet unumquemque in externis istis suorum membrorum esse dominum, uti Paulus scribit : Curate ut membra vestra sint arma justitiae. Quare vestra Celsitudo in consideratione aliarum causarum, nempe scandali, curarum, laborum ac sollicitudinum, et corporis infirm itatis velit hanc rem sequa lance perpendere, et simul in memoriam revocare, quod Deus ei ex raoderna conjuge pulchram sobolem utriusque sexus dederit, ita ut contentus hac esse possit. Quot alii in suo matrimonio debent patientiam exercere ad vitandum scandalum ? Nobis non sedet animo Celsitudinem vestram ad tarn difficilem novitatem impellere, aut inducere ; nam ditio vestrae Celsitudinis, aliique nos impeterent, quod nobis eo minus ferendum esset, quod ex prsecepto divino nobis incumbat matrimonium, omniaque humana ad divinam institutionem dirigere, atque in ea quoad possibile conservare, omneque scandalum removere.

second wife, were not to forsake those licentious disorders, the remedy proposed would be to no purpose. Every one ought to be master of his own body in external actions, and see, according to the expression of St. Paul, that his members be the arms of justice. May it please your Highness, therefore, impartially to examine the considerations of scandal, of labours, of care, of trouble, and of distempers, which have been represented. And at the same time remember that God has given you a numerous issue of such beautiful children of both sexes by the Princess your wife, that you have reason to be satisfied therewith. How many others, in marriage, are obliged to the exercise and practice of patience, from the motive only of avoiding scandal? We are far from urging on your Highness to introduce so difficult a novelty into your family. By so doing, we should draw upon ourselves not only the reproaches and persecution of those of Hesse, but of all other people. The which would be so much the less supportable to us, as God commands us in the ministry which we exercise, as much as we are able, to regulate marriage, and all the other duties of human life, according to the divine Institution, and maintain them in that state, and remove all kind of scandal. . 2

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XIX. Is jam est raos sseculi, ut culpa omnis in Predicatores conferatur, si quid difficultatis incidat ; et humanum cor in summse et inferioris conditionis hominibus instable, unde diversa pertimescenda.

XX. Si autem vestra Celsitudo ab impudica vita non abstineat, quod dicit sibi impossibile, optaremus Celsitudinem vestram in raeliori statu esse coram Deo, et secura conscientia vivere ad propria? animse salutem, et ditionum ac subditorum emolumentum.

XXI. Quod si denique vestra Celsitudo omnino concluserit, adhuc unam conjugem ducere, judicamus id secreto faciendum, ut superius de dispensatione dictum, nempe ut tantiiin vestrse Celsitudini, illi personse, ac paucis personis fidelibus constet Celsitudinis vestrae animus, et conscientia sub sigillo confessionis. Hinc non sequuntur alicujus raomenti contradictiones aut scandala. Nihil enim est inusitati Principes concubinas alere ; et quamvis non omnibus e plebe constaret rei ratio, tamen prudentiores intelligerent, et magis placeret hsec moderata vivendi ratio, quam adulterium et alii belluini et impudici actus; nee curandi aliorum sermones, si recte cum conscientia agatur. Sic

XIX. It is now customary among worldlings, to lay the blame of every thing upon the Preachers of the Gospel. The heart of man is equally fickle in the more elevated and lower stations of life ; and much have we to fear on that score.

XX. As to what your Highness says, that it is not possible for you to abstain from this impure life, we wish you were in a better state before God, that you lived with a secure conscience, and laboured for the salvation of your own soul, and the welfare of your subjects.

XXI. But after all, if your Highness is fully resolved to marry a second wife, we judge it ought to be done secretly, as we have said with respect to the dispensation demanded on the same account, that is, that none but the person you shall wed , and a few trusty persons, know of the matter, and they, too, obliged to secrecy under the seal of confession. Hence no contradiction nor scandal of moment is to be apprehended ; for it is no extraordinary thing for Princes to keep concubines ; and though the vulgar should be scandalized thereat, the more intelligent would doubt of the truth, and prudent persons would approve of this moderate kind of life, preferably to adultery, vi]

THE VARIATIONS, ETC.

et in tantum hoc approbamus : nam quod circa matrimonium in lege Mosis fuit permissum, Evangelium non revocat, aut vetat, quod externum regimen non immutat, sed adfert seternam justitiam et seternam vitam, et orditur veram obedientiam erga Deum, et conatur corruptam naturam reparare.

XXII. Habet itaque Celsitudo vestra non tantum omnium nostrum testimonium in casu necessitatis, sed etiam antecedentes nostras considerationes quas rogamus, ut vestra Celsitudo tanquam laudatus, sapiens, et Christianus Princeps velit ponderare. Oramus quoque Deum, ut velit Celsitudinem vestram ducere ac regere ad suam laudem et vestrse Celsitudinis animae salutem.

XXIII. Quod attinet ad consilium hanc rem apud Csesarem tractandi; existimamus ilium, adulterium inter minora peccata numerare ; nam magnopere verendum, ilium Papistica, Cardinalitia, Italica, Hispanica, Saracenica imbutum tide, non curaturum vestrse Celsitudinis postulatum, et in proprium emolu- and other brutal actions. There is no need of being much concerned for what men will say, provided all goes right with conscience. So far do we approve it, and in those circumstances only by us specified ; for the Gospel hath neither recalled nor forbid what was permitted in the law of Moses with respect to marriage. Jesus Christ has not changed the external economy, but added justice only, and life everlasting, for reward. He teaches the true way of obeying God, and endeavours to repair the corruption of nature.

XXII. Your Highness hath therefore, in this writing, not only the approbation of us all, in case of necessity, concerning what you desire, but also the reflections we have made thereupon ; we beseech you to weigh them, as becoming a virtuous, wise, and Christian Prince. We also beg of God to direct all for his glory and your Highness's salvation.

XXIII. As to your Highness's thought of communicating this affair to the Emperor before it be concluded, it seems to us that this Prince counts adultery among the lesser sort of sins ; and it is very much to be feared lest his faith being of the same stamp with that of the Pope, the Cardinals, the Italians,

THE HISTORY OF

[BOOIt mentum vanis verbis sustentaturum, sicut intelligimus perfidum ac fallacem virum esse, morisque Germanici oblitum.

XXIV. Videt Celsitudo vestra ipsa, quod nullis necessitatibus Christianis sincere consulit. Turcam sinit imperturbatum, excitat tantum rebelliones in Germania, ut Burgundicam potentiam efferat. Quare optandum ut nulli Christian! Principes illius infidis machinationibus se misceant. Deus conservet vestram Celsitudinem. Nos ad serviendum vestrae Celsitudini sumus promptissimi. Datum Vittembergae die Mercurii post festum Sancti Nicolai, 1539.

Vestrae Celsitudinis parati ac subject! servi,

Martinus Luther. Philippus Melancthon. Martinus Bucerus. Antonius Corvinus. Adam- Joannes Leningus. Justus Wintferte. Dionysius Melanther.

the Spaniards, and the Saracens, he make light of your Highness's proposal, and turn it to his own advantage by amusing your Highness with vain words. W*e know he is deceitful and perfidious, and has nothing of the German in him.

XXIV. Your Highness sees, that he uses no sincere endeavour to redress the grievances of Christendom ; that he leaves the Turk unmolested, and labours for nothing but to divide the empire, that he may raise up the house of Austria on its ruins. It is therefore very much to be wished that no Christian Prince would give into his pernicious schemes. May God preserve your Highness. We are most ready to serve your Highness. Given at Wittemberg the Wednesday after the feast of Saint Nicholas, 1539.

Your Highness's most humble, and most obedient subjects and servants,

Martin Luther. Philip Melancthon. Martin Bucer. Antony Corvin. Adam.

John Leningue. Justus Wintferte. Denis Melanther.

Ego Georgius Nuspicher, I George Nuspicher, Notary accepta a Caesare potestate, Imperial, bear testimony by Notarius publicus et Scriba, this present act, written and

THE VARIATIONS, ETC.

testor hoc meo chlrographo publice, quod hanc copiam ex vero et inviolato originali propria manu a Philippo Melancthone exarato, ad instantiam et petitionem mei clementissimi Domini et Principis Hassise ipse scripserim, et quinque foliis numero excepta inscriptione ccmplexus sim, etiam omnia proprie et diligenter auscultarim et contulerim, et in omnibus cum originali et subscriptione nominum concordet. De quare iterum testor propria manu.

signed with my own hand, that I have transcribed this present copy from the true original which is in Melancthon's own handwriting, and hath been faithfully preserved to this present time, at the request of the most serene Prince of Hesse ; and have examined with the greatest exactness every line and every word, and collated them with the same original ; and have found them conformable thereunto, not only in the things themselves, but also in the signs manual, and have delivered the present copy in five leaves of good paper, whereof I bear witness.

Georgiits Nuspicher,

Notarius.

George Nusficher,

Notary.

Instrumentum Copulationis Philippi Landgravii, et Margaretse de Saal.

The Marriage Contract of Philip, Landgrave of Hesse, with Margaret de Saal.

In nomine Domini, Amen. In the name of God, Amen.

Notum sit omnibus et singulis, qui hoc publicum instrumentum vident, audiunt, legunt, quod Anno post Christum natum 1540, die Mercurii mensis Martii, post meridiem circa secundam circiter, Indictionis Anno 13, potentissimi et invictissimi Romanorum Imperatoris

Caroli-quinti, clementissimi nostri Domini Anno resri-

Be it known to all those, as well in general as in particular, who shall see, hear, or read this public instrument, that in the year 1540, on Wednesday the fourth day of the month of March, at two o'clock or thereabouts, in the afternoon, the thirteenth year of the Indiction, and the twenty-first of the reign of the most puissant and most

THE HISTORY OF

[book minis 21, coram me infrascripto Notario et teste, Rotemburgi in arce comparuieriiit serenissimus Princeps et Dominus Philippus Landgravius Comes in Catznelenbogen, Dietz, Ziegenhain, et Nicida, cum aliquibus suae Celsitudinis consiliariis ex una parte ; et honesta, ac virtuosa Virgo Margareta de Saal, cum aliquibus ex sua consanguinitate ex altera parte ; ilia intentione et voluntate coram me publico Notario ac teste, publice confessi sunt, ut matrimonio copulentur ; et postea ante memoratus meus clementissimus Dominus et Princeps Landgravius Philippus per Reverendum Dominum Dionysium Melandrum suae Celsitudinis Concionatorem, curavit proponi ferme hunc sensum. Cum omnia aperta sint oculis Dei, et homines pauca lateant, et sua Celsitudo velit cum nominata virgine Margareta matrimonio copulari, etsi prior suae Celsitudinis conjux adhuc sit in vivis, ut hoc non tribuatur levitati et curiositati, ut evitetur scandalum,et nominatae virginis et illius honestae consanguinitatis honor et fama non patiatur ; edicit sua Celsitudo hie coram Deo, et in suam conscientiam et animam hoc non fieri ex levitate, aut curiositate, nee ex aliqua vilipensione juris et superiorum, sed urgeri aliquibus gravibus et inevitabilibus victorious Emperor Charles V., our most gracious lord ; the most serene Prince and Lord Philip Landgrave of Hesse, Count of Catznelenbogen, of Dietz, of Ziegenhain, and Nidda, with some of his Highness's Counsellors, on one side, and the good and virtuous Lady Margaret de Saal with some of her relations, on the other side, have appeared before me, Notary and witness underwritten, in the City of Rotenburg, in the castle of the same city, with the design and will publicly declared before me, Notary public and witness, to unite themselves by marriage ; and accordingly my most gracious Lord and Prince Philip the Landgrave hath ordered this to be proposed by the Reverend Denis Melander preacher to his Highness, much to the sense as follows : — " Whereas the eye of Gpd searches all things, and but little escapes the knowledge of men, his Highness declares that his will is to wed the said Lady Margaret de Saal, although the Princess his wife be still living, and that this action may not be imputed to inconstancy or curiosity : to avoid scandal and maintain the honour of the said Lady, and the reputation of her kindred, his Highness makes oath here before God, and upon his soul and conscience, that he takes her to wife through no levity, nor curio-.

THE VARIATIONS, ETC.

necessitatibus conscientiae et corporis, adeo ut impossibile sit sine alia superinducta legitima conjuge corpus suum et animam salvare. Quam multiplicem causam etiam sua Celsitudo multis praedoctis, piis, prudentibus, et Christianis Prsedicatoribus antehac indicavit, qui etiam consideratis inevitabilibus causis id ipsum suaserunt ad suae Celsitudinisanimae et conscientiae consulendum. Qu3e causa et necessitas etiam Serenissimam Principem Christianam Ducissam Saxoniae, suae Celsitudinis primam legitimam conjugem, utpote alta principali prudentia et pia mente praeditam movit, ut suae Celsitudinis tanquam dilectissimi mariti animae et corpori sei-- viret, et honor Dei promoveretur ad gratiose consentiendum. Quemadmodum suae Celsitudinis haec super relata syngrapha testatur ; et ne cui scandalum detur eo quod duas conjuges habere moderno tempore sit insolitum ; etsi in hoc casu. Christianum et licitum sit, non vult sua Celsitudo publice coram pluribus consuetas ceremonias usurpare, et palam nuptias celebrare cum memorata virgine Margaretii de Saal; sed hie in privato et silentio in praesentia subscriptorum testium volunt invicem jungi matrimonio. Finito hoc sermone nominati Philippus et Margaretasuntmatrimoniojuncti. et unaquaeque personaalteram sity, nor from any contempt of law, or superiors ; but that he is obliged to it by such important, such inevitable necessities of body and conscience, that it is impossible for him to save either body or soul, without adding another wife to his first. All which his Highness hath laid before many learned, devout, prudent, and Christian preachers, and consulted them upon it. And these great men, after examining the motives represented to them, have advised his Highness to put his soul and conscience at ease by this double marriage. And the same cause and the same necessity have obliged the most serene Princess, Christina Duchess of Saxony, his Highness's first lawful wife, out of her great prudence and sincere devotion, for which she is so much to be commended, freely to consent and admit of a partner, to the end, that the soul and body of her most dear spouse may run no further risk, and the glory of God may be increased, as the deed written with this Princess's own hand sufficiently testifies. And lest occasion of scandal be taken from its not being the custom to have two wives, although this be Christian and lawful in the present case, his Highness will not solemnize these nuptials in the ordinary way, that is, publicly before many people, and with the

THE HISTORY OP

[BOOK sibi desponsanl agnovit et acceptavit, adjuncta mutua ficlelitatis promissione in nomine Domini. Et antememoratus princeps ac Dominus ante hunc actum me infrascriptum Notarium requisivit, ut desuper unum aut plura instrumenta conficerem, et mihi etiam tanquam personse publicae, verbo ac fide Principis addixit ac promisit, se omnia haec inviolabiliter semper ac firmiter servaturum, in praesentia. reverend orum praedoctorum Dominorum M. Philippi Melancthonis, M. Martini Buceri, Dionysii Melandri, etiam in prsesentia strenuorum ac prsestantium Eberhardi de Than Electoralis Consiliarii, Hermanni de Malsberg, Hermanni de Hundelshausen, Domini Joannis Fegg Cancellariae, Rodolphi Schenck, ac hones tse ac virtuosae Dominae Annas natae de Miltitz viduae defuncti Joannis de Saal memoratae sponsae matris, tanquam ad hunc actum requisitorum testium.

wonted ceremonies, with the said Margaret de Saal ; but both the one and the other will join themselves in wedlock, privately and without noise, in presence only of the witnesses underwritten." — After Melander had finished his discourse, the said Philip and the said Margaret accepted of each other for husband and wife, and promised mutual fidelity in the name of God. The said Prince hath required of me, Notary underwritten, to draw him one or more collected copies of this contract, and hath also promised, on the word and faith of a Prince, to me a public person, to observe it inviolably, always and without alteration, in presence of the Reverend and most learned masters Philip Melancthon, Martin Bucer, Denis Melander ; and likewise in the presence of the illustrious and valiant Eberhard de Than, counsellor of his electoral Highness of Saxony, Herman de Malsberg, Herman de Hundelshausen, the Lord John Fegg of the Chancery, Rodulph Schenck ; and also in the presence of the most honourable and most virtuous Lady Anne of the family of Miltitz, widow of the late John de Saal, and mother of the spouse, all in quality of requisite witnesses for the validity of the present act.

THE VARIATIONS, ETC.

Et ego Balthasar Rand de Fulda^potestate Caesaris Notarius publicus, qui huic sermoni, instructioni, et matrimoniali sponsioni, et copulationi cum supra memoratia testibus interfui, et haec omnia et singula audivi, et vidi, et tanquam Notarius publicus requisitus fui, hoc instrumentum publicum mea manu scripsi, et subscripsi, et consueto sigillo munivi in fidem et testimonium.

And I Balthasar Rand, of Fuld, Notary public imperial, who was present at the discourse, instruction, marriage, espousals, and union aforesaid, with the said witnesses, and have heard and seen all that passed, have written and subscribed the present contract, being requested so to do ; and set to it the usual seal, for a testimonial of the truth thereof.

Balthasar Rand.

Balthasar Rand.

Footnotes

1. Thuan. lib. iv. ad an. 1557. + Mel. lib. iv. Ep. 214. ↩

2. See the end of this (6th) Book. -j- Inst. N. I, 2. lb. n. 3. ↩

3. Inst. N. 5. | Ibid. N. 6. 1 Ibid. N. 6. et seq. Ibid. N. 10. Ibid. N. 11, 12. ↩

4. Ibid. N. 12. ↩

5. See the end of this (6th) Book. f Consul, de Luther, N. 21, 22. ↩

6. Book of Conscien. Conful. S. N. 2. t Consult. N. 4, 10, 21 ↩

7. Consult. N. '10, 18. 1- Ibid. N. 21. f Ibid. ↩

8. Lettres de Ga^tineau. — Varill. Hist, de l'Heres. liv, xii. ↩

9. Serm. dc Matrim. t. v. fol, 123. ↩

10. Gas. Peuc. Nar. Hist, do Phil. Mel. toccri. sui, sent, do Cocn. Dom. Ambergae, 1596, p. 24. t Peuc. ibid. Sultzeri. id. Ep. ad Gal. inter. Calv. Ep. p. 52. :j. Peuc. ibid. ↩

11. Hosp. ibid. p. ISO, 1S7. Calix. Jiid. N. 73. p. 123, et>eq. Lut. parv. Cons, f Cone. p. 734. Luth. t. ii. f. 325. Hosp. 193. ↩

12. Sleid. lib. xiv. t Ibid. lib. iv. N. xsiii. ↩

13. Conf. Bucer, ibid. art. 22. + Ibid. art. 23. ↩

14. De abomin. Mis. priv. seu Canonis, t. ii. pp. 393, 394. ↩

15. Ps. cxv. -j- Blond. Praef. in lib. Albert de Euchar. ↩

16. Lulh.parv. Conf. 1544. Hasp. p. 13. ↩

17. Hosp. pp. 154, 179, 180. ↩

18. Mel, ep. Sup. cit. Hosp. Part ii. p. 184, etc. Joan, Sturm, Antip. iv. Part 4. t Hosp. p. 180, ↩

19. Jen. t, iv. pp. 585, 586, et ap, Cselest. -J- Just. Apol. ii. ↩

20. S. u. 24. Parv. Conf. f Ibid. ↩

21. Wit. et Lips. Theol. Orthod. Conf. Heidelb. an. 1575. Hosp. an. 1561, p. 291. VOL. I. Q ↩

22. Avt. vi. Cone. p. 330. f S. lib. iv. Parva. Conf. S, n. 14. ↩

23. Ep. Calv. p. 590. Q 2 ↩

24. Cont, Art. Lov. Thes, 28. f Hosp. 199. ↩

25. Ep. Crucig. ad Vit. Theod. Hosp. 194. 199, &c. ↩