Book IX

In the Year 1561, Calvin's Doctrine and Character,

A brief Summary. — Protestants begin to appear in France. — Calvin is their head. — His notions concerning Justification, wherein he reasons more consequently than the Lutherans ; but, grounding himself upon false principles, falls into more manifest difficulties. — Three absurdities by him added to the Lutheran doctrine. — The certainty of salvation, inamissibility of justice. — Infant justification independently of Baptism. — Contradictions on this third point. — In respect to the Eucharist, he equally condemns Luther and Zuinglius, and aims at a medium between both. — He proves the necessity of admitting the Real Presence, beyond what he does in fact admit. — Strong expressions for maintaining it. — Other expressions which destroy it. — The pre-eminence of Catholic doctrine. — Those who impugn it are forced to speak our language and assume our principles. — Three different Confessions of the Calvinists to satisfy three different sorts of people, the Lutherans, the Zuinglians, and themselves. — Calvin's pride and passion. — His genius compared with that of Luther. — The reason why he did not appear at the Conference of Poissy. — There Beza presents the Protestants' Confession of Faith : they tack to it a new and long explication of their doctrine about the Eucharist. — The Catholics express themselves intelligibly and in few words. — What happened with relation to the Augsburg Confession. — Calvin's sentiments.

— Calvin's genius. — He subtilizes more than Luther.

Calvin's genius possibly might not have been so well adapted as Luther's was to excite people, and inflame their minds : but after these commotions were once set on foot, he raised himself in many countries, in France especially, above even Luther himself, and became the head of a party, which yields but little to that of Luther.

356 THE HISTORY OP [BOOK

By the penetration of his wit, and the boldness of his decisions, he refined upon, and outstript all his contemporary builders of new churches, and new-reformed the but new Reformation.

— Two capital points of the Reformation. — Calvin's refinements on both of them.

The two points they laid the main stresses upon, were Justification and the Eucharist.

As for justification, Calvin looking upon it as the common foundation of Protestancy, adhered to it at least equally with Luther, but grafted on it three important articles.

— Three things added by Calvin to imputed justice. — First, the certainty of salvation.

In the first place, that certainty which Luther owned for justification only, was by Calvin extended to eternal salvation ; that is to say, whereas Luther required no more of the faithful than to believe with an infallible certainty that they were justified ; Calvin, besides this certainty of justification, required the like of their eternal predestination : insomuch that a perfect Calvinist can no more doubt of his being saved, than a perfect Lutheran of his being justified *.

— A memorable Confession of Faith made by Frederick III., Elector Palatine.

So that, were a Calvinist to make his particular confession of faith, he would put in this article, " I am assured of my salvation." We have an example of it. In the Collection of Geneva stands the confession of Prince Frederic III., Count Palatine, and Elector of the Empire. This Prince explaining his creed, after setting forth how he believes in the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, when he comes to explain how he believes the Catholic Church, says, " That he believes that God never ceases gathering it together, by his word and Holy Ghost out of the mass of all mankind ; and that he believes he is of that number, and ever shall be a living member of it f ." He adds, he believes " That God being appeased by the satisfaction of Jesus Christ will not remember any of his sins, nor all the wickedness with which I shall (says he) go on combating through the whole course

IX. J THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 357 of my life ; but that he will gratuitously give me the justice of Jesus Christ, insomuch that I have no reason to apprehejid the judgments of God. Lastly, I know most certainly (continues he) that I shall be saved, and shall appear with a cheerful countenance before the tribunal of Jesus Christ." There spoke a true Calvinist, and these are the true sentiments inspired by Calvin's doctrine, which this Prince had embraced.

— The second Dogma by Calvin added to imputed justice, viz. That it never can be lost.

Thence followed a second dogma, that whereas Luther allowed that a justified believer might fall from grace, as we have observed in the Ausburg Confession, Calvin maintains, on the contrary, that grace once received can never be lost : so that, whoever is justified and receives the Holy Ghost is justified, and receives the Holy Ghost for ever. For which reason the aforesaid Palatine placed amongst the articles of faith, that " he was a living and perpetual member of the church." This is the dogma called the inamissibility of justice ; namely, that doctrine by which it is believed that justice once received never can be lost. This word hath such a sanction from its universal use on this subject, that to avoid multiplying words we must accustom our ears to it.

— The third Dogma of Calvin: viz. That Baptism is not necessary to salvation.

There was also a third dogma, which Calvin established as a corollary from imputed justice, viz. that baptism could not be necessary to salvation, as the Lutherans maintain.

— Calvin's reasons drawn from Luther's principles ; and first with respect to the certainty of Salvation.

Calvin was of opinion that the Lutherans could not reject these tenets, without destroying their own principles. They require of the believer to be absolutely assured of his justification, as soon as he asks it, and to trust in the divine goodness, because, according to them, neither his prayer nor trust can admit of the least doubt. Now, prayer and trust regard salvation no less than justification and forgiveness of sins ; for we pray for our salvation, and hope to obtain it as much, as we pray for the forgiveness of sins, and hope to obtain it : therefore we are as much assured of the one as of the other.

358 THE HTSTOllY OF [BOOK

— With respect to the inamissibility of justice.

If, then, we believe, that we cannot miss of salvation, we must also believe we cannot fall from grace, and must reject the Lutherans who teach the contrary.

— Against the necessity of Baptism.

Again, if we are justified by faith alone, Baptism is neither necessary in fact nor desire. For which reason Calvin will not admit that it works in us forgiveness of sins, or infusion of grace, but is a seal only, and token, that we have received them.

— The consequence from this Doctrine, that the Children of the Faithful are born in Grace.

It is certain, that whosoever says these things ought also to say that infants enjoy grace independently of baptism. Nor did Calvin make any difficulty of owning it. This made him broach that novelty, viz., that the children of the faithful were born in the Covenant, that is, in that sanctity, which baptism did no more than seal in them ; an unheard-of doctrine in the church, but necessary for Calvin, in order to support his principles.

] 1. — A passage by which Calvin upholds this new Dogma.

The foundation of this doctrine, according to him, is in that promise made to Abraham, I will be " thy God, and the God of thy seed after thee." Calvin maintained¹ that the new alliance, no less efficacious than the old, ought, for this reason, to pass like that from father to son, and be transmitted the same way ; whence he concluded that, the substance of baptism, that is, its grace and covenant, "appertaining to infants, the sign of it could not be refused them ; to wit, the Sacrament of baptism ;" a doctrine by him held so certain, that he inserted it into his Catechism in the same terms I have now worded it, and in full as strong, into the form of administering baptism.

— Why Calvin is looked upon as the Author of the three precedent Dogmata.

When I name Calvin as the author of these three tenets, I do not mean to say he was the first that ever taught them ;

IX.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 359 for the Anabaptists, and others, too, had maintained them before, either in the whole, or in part ; but I only say he gave them a new turn, and showed better than any one else the conformity they have with imputed justice.

— Supposing these principles, Calvin reasoned better than Luther, but went further astray.

For my part, I cannot help thinking that, in these three articles, Calvin argued more consequently than Luther ; but withal, run himself into greater difficulties, as must necessarily happen to those who reason on false principles.

— Difficulties attending the certainty of Salvation.

If, in Luther's doctrine, a great difficulty result from man's being assured of his justification, there is a much greater one, and which exposes human weakness to a more dangerous temptation 3 in being assured of his Salvation.

— Difficulties attending Calvin's inamissibility of justice.

Nay, by saying the Holy Ghost and justice can no more be lost than faith, you oblige the faithful, once justified, and persuaded of their justification, to believe, that no crime, be it ever so great, can cause them to fall from this grace.

In fact, Calvin maintained *, that, " upon losing the fear of God, faith, which justifies us, is not lost." The terms he made use of were indeed .extraordinary : for he said, faith "was overwhelmed, buried, smothered; that the possession of it was lost, that is to say, the feeling and knowledge of it."" But after all this he added, " it was not extinct."

An uncommon subtilty is requisite, to reconcile all these words of Calvin ; but the truth is, willing as he was to maintain his tenet, he could not but allow something to that horror in man, of owning justifying faith in a soul that has lost the fear of God, and fallen into the worst of crimes.

— Difficulty of that doctrine which teaches that Children are born in Grace.

If to these three points you join also that doctrine which teaches that the children of the faithful bring grace with them into the world at their birth, what a horror must this raise ! it following necessarily from thence, that the whole posterity of every true believer is predestinated ! The²³ demonstration is obvious, according to Calvin's principles. Whosoever is born of a believer, is born in the covenant, and consequently, in grace ; whosoever has once had grace, can never lose it; if he has it not only for himself, but also necessarily transmits it to his whole posterity, we have then grace extended to infinite generations. If so much as one true believer be found in a whole lineage, all the descendants of this person are predestinated. If so much as one be found to die a reprobate, it must be concluded that all his ancestors were damned.

— Luther not less to be condemned for establishing these 'principles , than Calvin for drawing these consequences.

But the horrid consequences of Calvin's doctrine condemn no less the Lutherans than the Calvinists ; and if these last are not to be excused for running themselves into such dreadful straits, the former are not less blameworthy for laying down the principles, whence such consequences so clearly follow.

— Whether these three Dogmata are to be found in the Confessions of Faith.

Notwithstanding that the Calvinists have embraced these three dogmata, as a ground-work of the Reformation, the respect they have for the Lutherans, if I am not mistaken, has been the cause that, in their confessions of faith⁴, they rather insinuated than expressly established the two first tenets, namely, the certainty of salvation, and the inamissibility of justice. An authentic declaration of them was no where made, properly speaking, till in the Synod of Dort ; it shall appear in its own place. As for the dogma, which owns, in the children of the faithful, grace inseparable from their birth, we find it in the Catechism which I have quoted verbatim, and in the form of administering baptism.

— Two dogmata of the Calvinists relating to Children, little conformable to their princijiles.

However, I will not aver that Calvin and the Calvinists are very steadfast in this last tenet. For although they say on the one hand, that the children of the faithful are born in the covenant, and the seal of grace, which is baptism, is not due

■* Conf. de Fr. Art. 18—22. Cat. Dim. 18—20. Cut. Dim. 50. Forme du Eapt. 5. ii.ll,

IX.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 361 to them, but because the thing itself, namely, grace and regeneration, is acquired to them by their being happily born of faithful parents ; it appears on the other hand, they will not allow that the children of the faithful are always regenerated when they receive baptism, and this for two reasons : the first, because, according to their maxims, the seal of baptism hath not its effect with regard to the predestinated ; the second, because the seal of baptism works not always a present effect, even with regard to the predestinated, since such a person may have been baptized in his infancy who was not regenerated till old age.

— Agreement with those of Geneva. — 1554.

These two doctrinal points are taught by Calvin in several places*, but particularly in the agreement he made in 1554, between the church of Geneva and that of Zurich. This agreement contains the doctrine of both these churches ; and being received by both, it has the full authority of a confession of faith, insomuch that the two aforesaid points of doctrine being there expressly taught, they may be reckoned among the articles of faith of the Calvinian church.

— Contradictions in the Calvinist doctrine.

It is then plain, this church teaches two things that are contradictoiw. The first, that the children of the faithful are certainly bora in the covenant and in grace, which implies a necessary obligation of giving them baptism : the second, that it is not certain they are born in the covenant, or in grace, since no one knows whether he be of the number of the predestinated.

— Another contradiction.

There is besides a great inconsistency in saying, on the one side, that Baptism, of itself, is a certain sign of grace, and on the other, that many of those who receive it without putting any obstacle on their part to the grace it offers them (as in the case of infants), yet receive from it no effect. But leaving to Calvinists the trouble of reconciling their own jarring tenets, I rest satisfied wfth relating what I find in their confessions of faith.

— Calvin's refinement on the other point of the Reformation, which is that of the Eucharist.

Hitherto Calvin soared above the Lutherans, but fell withal much lower than they had done. On the subject of the Eucharist, he not only raised himself above them, but also above the Zuinglians, and, by the same sentence, condemned both parties, which, for so long a time, had divided the whole Reformation.

— Calvin's Treatise in order to shew that, after fifteen years disputing, the Lutherans and Zuinglians had not understood one another.

They had disputed for fifteen years successively on the article of the Real Presence without ever being able to agree, whatever could be done to reconcile them, when Calvin⁵, then but young, made himself umpire, and decided that they had not understood each other, and that the heads of both parties were in the wrong ; Luther, for too much pressing the corporeal Presence: Zuinglius and CEcolampadius, for not having sufficiently expressed that the thing itself, i. e., the Body and Blood, were joined to the sign; a certain Presence of Jesus Christ in the Supper, which they had not sufficiently comprehended, being to be acknowledged.

— Calvin, already known by his Institutions, makes himself more considerable by his Treatise on the Supper.

This work of Calvin's was printed in French in 1540, and afterwards translated into Latin by the author himself. He had already gained a great repute by his Institutions, which he published, for the first time, in 1534, and which after that he made frequent editions of, with considerable additions, being extremely particular in pleasing himself, as he says in his prefaces. But men's eyes were more turned upon him, when they saw one, so little advanced in age, undertake to condemn the Chiefs of both parties of the Reformation, and the whole world was big with expectation of the novelty he was going to produce.

— Calvin's doctrine about the Eucharist almost forgotten by his followers.

This is, indeed, one of the most memorable points of the new

IX.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 363

Reform, and deserves the more to be considered, the more it seems forgotten by the Calvinists now-a-days, although it makes one of the most essential parts of their confession of faith.

— Calvin is not content with receiving a sign in the Supper.

If Calvin had only said, that the signs in the Eucharist are not empty, or that the union we there have with Jesus Christ is effective and real, and not imaginary, this would be nothing: we have seen that Zuinglius and CEcolampadius, whom Calvin was not quite satisfied with, had said altogether as much as that in their writings. The graces we receive by the Eucharist, and the merits of Jesus Christ applied to us therein, suffice to make us understand, that, in this Sacrament, the signs are not empty, and none ever hath denied but the fruit we gather from it is very real.

— Not even an efficacious sign.

The difficulty then lay, not in discovering to us how grace, united to the sacrament, became an efficacious sign, and full of virtue, but in shewing how the Body and Blood were effectually communicated to us in this Sacrament : for this was the thing peculiar to this Sacrament, and what all Christians were accustomed to look for in it, by virtue of the words of the institution.

— Nor the virtue and merit of Jesus Christ.

To say that, together with the figure, the virtue and merit of Jesus Christ were in it received by faith, was what had been so fully said by Zuinglius and CEcolampadius, that Calvin could have found nothing wanting in their doctrine, had he not required something more than this.

— Calvin's doctrine partakes something of that of Bucer and the articles of Wittemberg.

Bucer, whom he acknowledged, in some measure, for his master, by confessing, as he had done at the Wittemberg agreement, a Substantial Presence common to all communicants, worthy and unworthy, thereby established a Real Presence independent of faith, and had endeavoured to come up to the idea of reality, with which the words of our Saviour naturally fill the mind. But Calvin thought he said too much⁶; and although he approved of producing to the Lu- therans the articles of Wittemberg, in order to shew that the quarrel relating to the Eucharist was concluded bv them, yet he did not, in his heart, abide by this decision. Wherefore, he borrowed something from Bucer and this agreement, and modelling it after his own fashion, endeavoured to strike out a new system peculiar to himself.

— The state of the question resumed. — The sentiments of the Catholics on these words, " This is my Body."

To understand the principle of it, it will be necessary to trace back in a few words the state of the question, and not fear repeating something of what has been already said on this subject- The matter in question was to know the sense of these words, " This is my Body, this is my Blood." Catholics maintained, the design of our Saviour was thereby to give us his Body and Blood to eat, as, in the old law, the flesh of the victims, sacrificed for the people, was given to them.

As this manducation was to the ancients a sign that the victim was theirs, and that they partook of the sacrifice ; so the Body and Blood of our Saviour, sacrificed for us, being given us to take by the mouth with the Sacrament, are to us a sign that they are ours, and that it was for us the Son of God made a sacrifice of them on the cross.

To the end that this pledge of the love of Jesus Christ might be certain and efficacious, it was requisite we should not only have the merits, the spirit, and the virtue, but also the proper substance of the sacrificed victim, and that it should be as truly given us to eat, as the flesh of the victims had been given in the Jewish dispensation.

Thus were these words understood, " This is my Body given for you, this is my Blood shed for you⁷," viz. This is as truly my Body, as it is true this Body was given for you ; and as truly my Blood, as it is true this Blood was shed for you. By the same reason, it was understood that the substance of this flesh and blood was given to us nowhere but in the Eucharist, since Jesus Christ said nowhere else "This is my Body, this is my Blood."

"Now, we receive Jesus Christ many ways through the whole course of our lives, by his grace, by his illuminations, by his Holy Spirit, by his Omnipotent virtue ; but this singular manner of receiving him, in the proper and true substance of his Bodv and Blood, was peculiar to the Eucharist.

Thus was the Eucharist looked upon as a new miracle,

IX.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 365 which confirmed to us all the others which God hath wrought for our salvation. A human body, whole and entire, given in so many places, to so many people, under the species of bread, was enough to startle every mind, and we have already seen, that the Fathers made use of the most surprising effects of the Divine Omnipotence, to explain this by.

— What Faith does in this mystery. — The sentiment of Catholics concerning these words, " Do this in remembrance of me.'"

Little would have availed so great a miracle wrought in our behalf, had not God afforded us the means of reaping advantage from it, and this we could not hope for, but by faith.

This mystery was, nevertheless, like all the rest, independent of faith. Believe or not believe it, Jesus Christ took flesh, Jesus Christ died, and offered himself a sacrifice for us ; and by the same reason, whether we believe it or no, Jesus Christ does give us the substance of his Body to be eaten in the Eucharist ; for it was requisite he should, by that, confirm to us that it was for us he took it, and for us lie sacrificed it: the tokens of the divine love, in themselves, are independent of our faith; our faith is only requisite to receive the benefit of them.

At the same time that we receive this precious earnest, certifying to us that Jesus Christ sacrificed is wholly ours, we must apply our minds to this inestimable testimony of the divine love. And as the ancients, eating the sacrificed victim, were to eat it as sacrificed, and remember the oblation, which had been made to God, in sacrifice for them; those likewise who, at the holy table, receive the substance of the body and blood of the lamb immaculate, must receive it as sacrificed, and call to mind that the Son of God had made a sacrifice of it to his Father, for the salvation, not only of the whole world in general, but also of each one of the faithful in particular ; for which reason, when he said, " This is my body, this is my blood* !" he subjoined immediately after, u This do in remembrance of me ;" that is, as the sequel makes appear, in remembrance of me sacrificed for you, and of that immense charity which made me lay down my life for your redemption, conformably to the saying of St. Paul, " ye shall shew the Lord's death until he comef •"

We must therefore be very careful not to receive only the sacred body of our Saviour into our bodies : we must also * Luke xxii. 19 ; 1 Cor. xi. 24, 25. f 1 Cor.xi.26.

unite ourselves to it in mind, and remember that he gives us his body, to the end that we may have a certain pledge that this sacred victim is wholly ours. But whilst we stir up this pious reflection in our minds, we ought to enter into the sentiments of an affectionate acknowledgment to our Saviour ; and this is the only means of perfectly enjoying this inestimable pledge of our salvation.

— In what manner the possessing of Christ's body is spiritual and permanent.

And although the actual reception of this body and blood be not allowed us but in certain moments, namely, in communion, our thankfulness is not confined to so short a time; and the having received this sacred pledge at certain moments, is enough to perpetuate the spiritual enjoyment of so great a good through all the moments of our lives. For though the actual reception of the body and blood be but momentary, yet the right we have to receive it is perpetual ; like to that sacred right one has over another by the bond of marriage. Thus the mind and body unite themselves to enjoy their Saviour, and the adorable substance of his body and blood ; but as the union of bodies is the foundation, that of minds is the perfection of so great a work. Whoever, therefore, does not unite himself in mind to Jesus Christ, whose sacred body he receives, enjoys not as he ought so great a gift : like to those brutal and treacherous spouses who unite bodies without uniting hearts.

— The body and mind must be united to Jesus Christ.

Jesus Christ wishes to find in us that love with which he abounds at his approach. When he finds it not, the union of bodies is not less real; but, instead of being fruitful, it is odious and insulting to the Son of God. Those who draw near to his body without this lively faith, are " the crowd that press him ;" those that have this faith are the sick woman iC that touches him⁸." All touch him, rigorously speaking; but those who touch him without faith, press and importune him: those who, not content with touching him, look upon this touch of his flesh as an earnest of that virtue which goes out of him unto those who love him, touch him truly, because they touch alike his heart and body.

This it is which makes the difference between those who

IX.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 307 communicate, discerning, or not discerning, the body of the Lord ; receiving, with the body and blood, the grace which accompanies them naturally, or rendering themselves guilty of the sacrilegious attempt to profane them. By this means, Jesus Christ exercises on all that almightiness given to him in heaven and on earth, applying to himself, to some as a Saviour, to others as a rigorous Judge.

— The precise state of the question laiddovm from the precedent doctrine.

This is what was necessary to be re-considered concerning the mystery of the Eucharist, in order to understand what I have now to say ; and it is plain, the state of the question is, to know, on the one hand, whether the gift which Jesus Christ bestows upon us in the Eucharist of his body and blood be a mystery, like the rest, independent of faith in its substance, and only requiring faith to profit by it ; or, whether the whole mystery consist in the union we have with Jesus Christ by faith alone, without anything else intervening on his part but spiritual promises, figured by the Sacrament, and announced by the word. By the first of these sentiments, the real and substantial presence is established ; by the second, it is denied that Jesus Christ is no way united to us, except in figure in the Sacrament, and in spirit by faith.

— Calvin seeks to reconcile Luther and Zuinglius.

We have seen that Luther, whatever design he might have to reject the Substantial Presence, had from the words of our Saviour so strong an impression of it, that he never could give it up. We have seen that Zuinglius and CEcolampadius, disheartened at the impenetrable loftiness of a mystery so far raised above our senses, could never enter into it. Calvin, urged on the one side with the impression of reality, and on the other with the difficulties which thwart our senses, seeks a middle way, difficult enough to make agree in all its parts.

— How strongly Calvin speaks of the reality.

In the first place, he admits * that we really partake of the true body and blood of Jesus Christ; and this he expressed with such energy, that the Lutherans almost believed he sided with them : for he repeats a hundred and a hundred times,

368 THE HESTORY OP [BOOK that " Truth must be given us, together with the signs, that under these signs we truly receive the body and blood of Jesus Christ; that the flesh of Jesus Christ is distributed in the Sacrament; that it penetrates us; that we are partakers, not only of the spirit of Jesus Christ, but also of his flesh ; that we have the proper substance, and are made partakers of it; that Jesus Christ unites himself to us whole and entire, and for that end unites himself to us in body and mind ; that we must not doubt but we receive his proper body ; and if there be one in the world that confesses this truth sincerely, he is the man."

— One must be united to the body of Jesus Christ more than by virtue and thought.

He not only acknowledges, in the Supper, " The virtue of the body and blood, but will have the substance joined to it;" and declares⁹, when he speaks of the manner of receiving Jesus Christ in the Supper, he means not to speak of the parts you there have : " In his merits, in his virtue, in his efficacy, in the fruit of his death, in his power." Calvin rejects all these ideas, and complains of the Lutherans, who, says he, reproaching him that he gave nothing to the faithful but a share in the merits of Jesus Christ, " darken the communion which he requires we should have with him." He carries his thought so far, that he excludes even as insufficient all the union that may be had with Jesus Christ, not only by the imagination, but also by the thought, or by the sole apprehension of the mind. " We are (says he) united to Jesus Christ, not by fancy and imagination, or by thought, or the sole apprehension of the mind, but really, and in effect, by a true and substantial union."

— A new effect of Faith, according to Calvin.

Yet he still says we are united to him only by faith, which but little agrees with his other expressions; but the thing is, from a notion as odd as it is novel, he will not have that which is united to us by faith, be united to us barely by thought ; as if faith were anything else than a thought or an act of our minds, divine indeed and supernatural, which the Heavenly Father alone can inspire, but still a thought.

IX.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 3G9

— Calvin requires the proper substance.

There is no knowing what all these expressions of Calvin mean¹⁰, if they do not signify that the flesh of Jesus Christ is in us, not only by its virtue, but in itself, and by its proper substance ; nor are these strong expressions only to be found in Calvin's books, but also in his Catechisms, and the confession of faith which he gave to his disciples, which shews how literally they are to be understood.

— He will have us to receive the body and blood of Jesus Christ otherwise than the ancient Hebrews could do it.

Zuinglius and CEcclampadius had often objected to Catholics and Lutherans that we received the body and blood of Jesus Christ as the ancient Hebrews received them in the desert ; whence it followed that we receive them not in substance, their substance not existing then, but in spirit only. But Calvin -J- cannot suffer this reasoning, and owning that our fathers received Jesus Christ in the desert, he maintains they did not receive him like us, since we now have " the substance of his flesh, and our manducation is substantial, which that of the ancients could not be."

— If we understand Calvirfs expressions 'naturally, we must believe that the reception of the body and blood is independent of faith.

Secondly, he teaches that this body once offered for us £, " Is given to us in the Supper to ascertain to us that we have part in his sacrifice," and in the reconciliation it brings with it ; which, naturally speaking, is as much as to say, we must distinguish what is on God's side from what is on ours, and that it is not our faith which renders Jesus Christ present to us in the Eucharist, but that Jesus Christ, otherwise present as a sacred pledge of divine love, serves as a support to our faith. For, as when we say, the Son of God made himself man to certify to us that he loved our nature, we own his incarnation as independent of our faith, and, withal, as means given us whereby to support it : in like manner, to teach that Jesus Christ gives us his body and blood in this mystery, to ascertain to us that we have part in the sacrifice he made of them, in truth is owning that the body and blood are given

VOL. 1. 2 B

370 THE HISTORY OP [BOOK us, not because we believe, but to the end that our faith, being excited by so great a present, may rest more assured of the divine love, which by such an earnest we are made certain of. Hereby, then, it appears manifestly that the gift of the body and blood is independent of faith in the sacrament ; and Calvin's doctrine leads us to this conclusion by another way.

43.- — According to Calvin's expressions, the true body must be in the Sacrament.

For he says in the third place¹¹, and repeats it frequently that " the Holy Supper is composed of two things, or, that there are two things in this Sacrament, the material bread and the wine which we behold with our eyes, and Jesus Christ, whereAvith our souls are nourished interiorly." We have seen these words in the Wittemberg agreement. Luther and the Lutherans had taken them from a famous passage of St. Irenseus, wherein it is said that the " Eucharist is composed of a celestial and a terrestrial thing j namely, as they explained it, as well of the substance of bread as that of the body. This explanation of theirs was disputed by the Catholics ; and, without entering here into this controversy against the Lutherans, if to them this explanation seemed contrary to Catholic transubstantiation, it manifestly overthrew the Zuinglian figure, and at least established Luther's consubstantiation : for to say we have in the Sacrament, namely, in the sign itself, the thing terrestrial together with the celestial, that is, according to the Lutherans, sense, the material bread with the very body of Jesus Christ, is manifestly placing both substances together ; but to say that the sacrament is composed of bread, which we see before our eyes, and of Jesus Christ, who is in the highest heavens, at the right hand of his Father, would be an expression completely extravagant. They must therefore say that both substances are indeed in the sacrament, and that the figure is there joined with the thing itself.

— Another expression of Calvin's, that the body is under the sign of the bread, as the Holy Ghost under that of the dove.

It is to this that expression tends which we find in Calvin, " that under the sign of the bread we take the body, and

IX.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 371 under the sign of the wine we take the blood, distinctly one from the other, to the end we may enjoy Jesus Christ whole and entire."" And the thing here most remarkable is, that Calvin says¹² the body of " Jesus Christ is under the bread, as the Holy Ghost is under the dove;" which necessarily imports a substantial presence, nobody doubting but the Holy Ghost was substantially present under the form of the dove, as, in a particular manner, God ever was when he appeared under some figure.

The words he makes use of are precise : " We do not pretend (says he) that a symbolical body is received ; as it was not a symbolical spirit which appeared in the baptism of our Lord : the Holy Ghost was then truly and substantially present ; but he rendered himself present by a visible symbol, and was seen in the baptism of Jesus Christ, because he truly appeared under the symbol, and under the external form of the dove.11

If the body of Jesus Christ is as present to us under the bread as the Holy Ghost was present under the form of a dove, I know not what more can be desired for a real and substantial presence. And Calvin says all these things in a work, wherein he purposes to explain more clearly than ever how Jesus Christ is received, since he says them after having long disputed with the Lutherans on this subject in a book which bears this title, l( A clear Exposition of the manner how we partake of the body of our Lord.'1

— Another expression of Calvin's, which makes Jesus Christ present under the bread, as God was in the ark.

In the same book he says¹³f¹⁴, "Jesus Christ is present in the sacrament, as God was present in the ark, where (says he) he rendered himself truly present ; and not only in figure, but in his proper substance." Thus, when this mystery is very clearly and very plainly to be spoken of, expressions are naturally employed, which lead the mind to the Real Presence.

— Calvin says he only disputes the manner, but admits the thing as much as we.

And it is for this reason, in the fourth place, that Calvin says here J, and everywhere else, that he disputes not of the

2 b2 thing, but only of the manner. " I dispute not (says he) about the presence, nor the substantial manclueation, but about the manner both of the one and the other." He repeats, a hundred times over, that he agrees to the thing, and only questions which way it is accomplished. All his disciples speak the same language, and even to this day our reformed are angry when we tell them the body of Jesus Christ, according to their faith, is not as substantially with them, as, according to ours, it is with us ; which shews that it is a dictate of the spirit of Christianity to make Jesus Christ as present in the Eucharist as possible, and that his words naturally guide us to what is most substantial.

— Calvin admits an ineffable and miraculous presence of the body.

Thence it comes, fifthly, that Calvin admits of a presence that is wholly miraculous and divine¹⁵. He is not like the Swiss, who are angry when you speak to them of a miracle in the Supper : on the contrary, he is vexed when you tell him there is none. He is continually repeating that the mystery of the Eucharist surpasses the senses ; that it is an incomprehensible work of the divine power ; a secret impenetrable to the mind of man; that words are wanting to express his thoughts ; and his thoughts, though greatly transcending his expressions, fall far beneath the summit of this unutterable mystery : "insomuch (says he) that he rather experiences what this union rs, than understands it :" which shews he feels, or thinks he feels, the effects, but the cause is above his reach. Accordingly, he inserts in the Confession of Faithf, " that this mystery, by its loftiness, surpasses the measure of our senses, and the whole order of nature ; and, forasmuch as it is celestial, cannot be apprehended, that is, comprehended, but by faith." And labouring to explain, in the Catechism];, how it is possible that "Jesus Christ should make us partakers of his proper substance, considering that his body is in heaven, and we on eartli, he answers, " This is done by the incomprehensible virtue of his spirit, which, indeed, conjoins things separated by distance of place."

— A reflection on these words of Calvin.

A philosopher would easily comprehend that the divine power is not confined within the limits of place : the meanest

IX.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 373 capacities understand how they maybe united in spirit and in thought, to what is most distant from them ; and Calvin, leading us by his expressions to a more miraculous union, either speaks without meaning, or excludes the union by faith alone.

— Calvin admits a Presence which is proper and 'peculiar to the Supper.

Accordingly, we see, sixthly, that he admits* a participation in the Eucharist which is neither in baptism nor preaching, since he says in the Catechism, " That, although Jesus Christ be therein truly communicated to us, nevertheless, it is but in part, and not fully;'' which shews that he is otherwise given to us in the Supper than by faith, since faith, being as lively and perfect in baptism and preaching, he would be as fully given to us then as in the Eucharist.

— The sequel of Calvin's expressio7is.

What he adds, in order to explain this fulness, is yet stronger, for there it is he says what has been already cited, that " Jesus Christ gives us his body and blood, to ascertain to us that we receive the fruit thereof." Here then is that fulness which we receive in the Eucharist, and not in baptism or preaching : whence it follows, that faith alone does not give us the body and blood of our Saviour ; but that this body and blood being given to us after a special manner in the Eucharist, ascertain to us, to wit, give us a certain faith, that we have part in the sacrifice which was made of them.

— The Communion of the unworthy, how real, according to Calvin.

Lastly, what Calvin lets fall, speaking even of the unworthv, makes appear how far a miraculous presence, independent of faith, is to be believed in this Sacrament : for, although what he most inculcates is f, that the unworthy not having faith, Jesus Christ is ready to come to them, but does not come in effect, the force of truth, nevertheless, obliges him to say, that " He is truly offered and given to all those who are seated at the holy table, although he be not received with fruit, but by the faithful only," which is the very way of speaking that we employ.

In order then to understand the truth of the mystery which

• Dim. 52. t lost. iv. 17. 10. Opusc. de Cor na Domini. 1340,

Jesus Christ works in the Eucharist, it must be believed that his proper body is therein truly offered and given, even to the unworthy, and is also received, although not received with fruit: which cannot be true, if it be not also true, that what is given us in this Sacrament is the proper body of the Son of God, independently of faith.

— Continuation of Calvin's expressions concerning the Communion of the unworthy.

Calvin confirms this again in another place, where he writes thus¹⁶: " In this consists the integrity of the Sacrament, which the whole world cannot violate, to wit, that the flesh and blood of Jesus Christ are as truly given to the unworthy as to the faithful and elect." Whence it follows, that what is given them is the flesh and blood of the Son of God independently of faith, since it is certain, according to Calvin, that they have not faith, or at least do not exercise it in this state.

Thus have Catholics reason to say, that what makes the sacred gift, which we receive in the Eucharist, be the body and blood of Jesus Christ, is not the faith we have in his word, but the word alone by its all-powerful energy: insomuch that faith adds nothing to the truth of the body and blood, but only makes them profitable to us; and nothing is more true than this saying of St. Augustine "f, that the Eucharist is not less " the body of our Lord to Judas, than to the rest of the Apostles."

— A comparison of Calvin, which upholds the truth of * the Body's being received by the unworthy.

The comparison which Calvin makes use of in the same place still more strengthens the reality : for, after having said of the body and blood, what we have just seen, " That they are not less given to the unworthy than to the worthy/' he adds, this happens alike as with rain, " which, falling on a rock, runs off without penetrating : in like manner (says he) the impious repel the grace of God, and hinder its penetrating into them %." Observe, he here speaks of the body and blood, which, by consequence, must be given to the unworthy, as really as rain falls upon a rock. As to the substance of the rain, it falls no less on rocks and barren places, than on those

% Inst. lib. iv. c. 17. n. 33. 2.. Def. opusc. p. 781.

IX.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 375 where it fructifies ; and so, according to this comparison, Jesus Christ must be no less substantially present to the obdurate than to the faithful who receive his Sacrament, though only in these it fructifies. The same Calvin * tells us again with St. Augustine, that the unworthy who partake of his Sacrament, are those troublesome people who press him in the Gospel, and the faithful, who receive him worthily, are that pious woman which touches him. If we consider the body only, all touch him alike : but there is reason to say, those who touch him with faith alone touch him truly, because they only touch him fruitfully. Can one speak in this manner, without owning Jesus Christ is most really present both to the one and the other, and that these words, " this is my body," have always infallibly the effect expressed by them ?

— Calvin speaks inconseqiiently.

I am well aware that when Calvin speaks thus strongly of the body being given to the impious as truly as to saints f, he, nevertheless, distinguishes betwixt giving and receiving ; and that, in the same place, where he says, the flesh of Jesus Christ "is as truly given to the unworthy as to the elect," he hath also said that it is not received, except by the elect alone ; but this is an abuse of words. For, if he means that Jesus Christ is not received by the unworthy in the same sense4hat St. John has said in the Gospel, " He came unto his own, and his own received him not J,1' that is, believed not in him, he is in the right. But as those who received not Jesus Christ after this manner, did not hinder, by their infidelity, his coming as truly to them as to the rest ; nor did they hinder " the word made flesh to dwell among us¹⁷,"" from being truly received, with regard to his personal presence, in the midst of the world, nay, even in the midst of the world that knew him not and crucified him: in like manner must it be said, to speak consecpjently, that these words, " this is my body," render him not less present to the unworthy, who are guilty of his body and blood, than to the worthy who approach them with faith ; and barely with respect to the corporeal presence, he is equally received by both.

% John i. 11. $ Ibid.

— Calvin explains ', as we do, these words, The flesh profiteth nothing.

I shall here observe one word of Calvin's, which vindicates us from a reproach he and his followers are continually laying at our door. How often do they object to us these words, " The flesh profiteth nothing "? and yet Calvin explains them thus *, " The flesh profiteth nothing, of itself alone, but it profiteth together with the Spirit." This is exactly what we say, and what ought to be concluded from these words: not that Jesus Christ does not give us the proper substance of his flesh independently of our faith, for he has given it, even according to Calvin, to the unworthy; but, that it profiteth nothing to receive his flesh, if it be not received together with his spirit. And if his spirit be not always received together with his flesh, this is not because it is not always there, for Jesus Christ comes to us full of spirit and grace ; but because, in order to receive that spirit which he brings, ours must be opened by a lively faith.

— An expression of Calvin's, that the unworthy ', according to us, receive only the carcass of Jesus Christ.

It is not, therefore, a body without a soul, or, as Calvin speaks, a " carcass," which we make the unworthy receive, when they receive the sacred flesh of Jesus Christ without profiting ; no more than it is a carcass and a body without soul and spirit, which Jesus Christ gives them, even in the sentiments of Calvin himself 1\ It is but a vain exaggeration to call that body a carcass, which is known to be animated ; for Jesus Christ, risen from the dead, dies now no more ; he hath life in him, and not only that life which makes the body live, but that life also which enlivens the soul. Jesus Christ, wherever he comes, carries with him life and grace. He brought with, and in him, his whole virtue with respect to the crowd, that thronged about him ; but " this virtue went not forth," but in behalf of that woman who touched him with faith. So, when Jesus Christ gives himself to the unworthy, he comes to them with the same virtue and spirit which he sheds on the faithful; but this virtue and spirit act only on those who believe ; and, on all these points, Calvin must speak the same things we do, to speak consequently.

IX.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 377

57.— Calvin weakens his own expressions.

But, it is very true, he does not speak them. True, that, although he says we are partakers of the proper substance of the body and blood of Jesus Christ, he will have this substance only united to us by faith ; and after all, in spite of these great words of Proper Substance, his design is, to own nothing else in the Eucharist but a presence of virtue.

It is true, likewise, that after he had said *, we are partakers of the " proper substance" of Jesus Christ, he refuses to say, "he is really and substantially present;" as if the participation were not of like nature with the presence, and the proper substance of a thing could ever be received when it is present only by its virtue.

— He eludes the miracle which he owns in the Supper.

By the same artifice he shifts off that great miracle which he himself is sensible he is obliged to own in the Eucharist ; it is, said he, an incomprehensible secret, a miracle surpassing all sense and understanding of man. And what is this secret, this miracle ? Calvin thinks he has expressed it in these words f : " Is it reason which teaches us, that the soul, immortal and spiritual by its creation, is enlivened by the flesh of Jesus Christ, and that so powerful a virtue flows from Heaven on the earth ?" But he deludes us and himself too. The singular miracle which the holy Fathers, and, after them, all Christians ever believed in the Eucharist, does not regard that virtue precisely which the flesh of Jesus Christ derives from the incarnation. The miracle consists in the verifying of these words, "this is my body,'1 when nothing but mere bread appears to the eye, and in the giving the same body, at the same time, to so many different persons. It was in order to explain these incomprehensible wonders, that the Fathers alleged all the other miracles of the divine power, the changing of water into wine, and all the other changes, even that great change which of nothing made all things. But Calvin's miracle is not of this nature, not even a miracle that is peculiar to the sacrament of the Eucharist, nor a sequel from these words, "this is my body." It is a miracle which is wrought in the Eucharist and out of the Eucharist, and which, to speak the truth, is what essentially flows from the very mystery of the incarnation.

378 THE HISTORY OP [BOOK

— Calvin is sensible of the insufficiency of his Doctrine to explain the miracle of the Eucharist. Calvin himself was aware that some other miracle was to be sought in the Eucharist. He has expressed as much in several places of his works, but particularly in the Catechism f : " How comes it to pass (says he) that Jesus Christ makes us partakers of the proper substance of his body, considering his body is in Heaven, and we on earth." In this consists the miracle of the Eucharist. What does Calvin answer to this, and what do all Calvinists answer with him? " That the incomprehensible virtue of the Holy Ghost, indeed, conjoins things separated by distance of place." Does he mean to speak like a Catholic, and say, the Holy Ghost can everywhere render present what he has a mind to give in substance? I understand him, and acknowledge the true miracle of the Eucharist. Would he sav that things separated, and remaining separated as far as Heaven is from earth, are, nevertheless, united, substance to substance? This is no miracle of the Almighty, but a chimerical and contradictory proposition, which nobody can understand.
— The Calvinists did not so much admit a miracle in the Eucharist, as they were sensible one ought to be admitted.

But in reality, to speak the truth, neither Calvin nor the Calvinists do admit of any miracle in the Eucharist. A presence by faith, and a presence by virtue, is not miraculous ; the sun has as much virtue, and produces as great effects, at as great a distance. If, therefore, Jesus Christ be only present in virtue, there can be no miracle in the Eucharist ; for which reason the Swiss, men naturally sincere, who have no other use for words than to speak just as they think, would never hear it mentioned. Calvin, in this more penetrating, very well saw with all the Fathers and all the faithful, that, in these words, " this is my body," there was as clear a mark of omnipotence, as in these, " let there be light." To answer this idea, it was necessary, at least, to sound high the name of a miracle ; but, in the main, nobody was less disposed than Calvin to believe one in the Eucharist ; otherwise, why docs he continually upbraid us that we confound the laws of nature, that a body cannot be in several places, nor be given us whole and entire under the form of a morsel of bread ? Is not this reasoning derived from phi-

IX.] ' THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 379 losophy ? Undoubtedly ; and, nevertheless, Calvin, who all along employs it, declares in many places¹⁸, " that he will not make use of natural, nor philosophical reasons, of which he makes no account," but of Scripture only. And why ? because, on one hand, he cannot divest himself of them, nor so far raise himself above man as to despise them ; and, on the other hand, he is very sensible that receiving them in matters of religion, is not only destroying the mystery of the Eucharist, but all the mysteries of Christianity at once.

— The perplexities and contradictions of Calvin in the defence of the figurative sense.

The same confusion appears when these words, " This is my Body," are to be explained. All his books, all his sermons, all his discourses, are full of the figurative interpretation, and the figure metonymy, which puts the sign for the thing. This is the way of speaking, which he calls "sacramental," which he will have the Apostles beforehand well accustomed to, when Jesus Christ instituted the Supper. The Rock was Christ, the Lamb is the Passover, Circumcision is the Covenant, " This is my Body," according to him, are all the same ways of speaking ; and this is what you find in every page.

Whether or no he were fully satisfied with this, the following passage will make appear f. It is taken out of a book entitled, " A clear Explanation," already by me quoted, and which was written against Heshusius, a Lutheran minister. " Behold (says Calvin) how this hog makes us speak. In this phrase, This is my Body, there is a figure like to this ;" Circumcision is the Covenant, the Rock was Christ, the Lamb is the Passover. " The Forger imagined he was prattling at table, and spending his wit among his guests. Never will such fooleries be found in our writings ; but, in plain words, this is what we say, viz. when we talk of Sacraments, a certain and particular way of speaking, usual in Scripture, must be followed. Thus, without escaping under the covert of a figure, we think it enough to say? what would be clear to the whole world, did not these beasts obscure even the sun himself, that the figure metonymy must here be owned, whereby the name of the thing is given to the sign."

— What it was that puzzled him.

Had Heshusius fallen into such a contradiction, Calvin would certainly have told him in plain terms he was drunk; but¹⁹²⁰²¹

Calvin was sober, I must own, and when he confounds himself, it is because he does not find in his own expositions what can please him. He disowns here what he says through every page ; he rejects that figure with contempt which he is forced to betake himself to again the same moment ; in a word, he can stand to nothing he says, and is ashamed of his own doctrine.

— He saw further into the difficulty than the rest of the S acr anient ari an s. — How he endeavoured to clear it.

It must be owned, nevertheless, that he was more exact than the rest of the Sacramentarians, and besides the superiority of his wit, the dispute which had been so long on foot, had given him leisure more fully to digest this matter. For he does not stand so much upon allegories and parables, — I am the door, I am the vine, — nor on other expressions of the like nature, which always carry their own expositions with them so clear and manifest, that a child even could not be mistaken²². And besides, if because Jesus Christ made use of allegories and parables, every thing was to be understood in that sense ; he plainly saw that would be nothing but filling the whole gospel with confusion.

To remedy this, Calvin-f- bethought himself of these forms of expression which he calls " sacramental," wherein the sign is put for the thing; and, by admitting them in the Eucharist, which, beyond doubt, is a sacrament, he believes he has found a certain means of establishing in it a figure, without bringing the same into a precedent for other matters.

— The examples which he drew from Scripture. — That of Circumcision, which confutes instead of serving him.

He also brought more apposite examples from scripture than any of the Protestant writers before him. The chief difficulty lay in finding out a sign of institution, wherein, at the institution itself, the name of the thing is immediately given to the sign without preparing the mind for it, and this with the proper word by which this sign is instituted. The question was, whether any such example could be found in scripture. Catholics maintained there could not ; and Calvin thought to convince them by this text of Genesis, in which Almighty Cod, speaking of circumcision which he instituted, named it the Covenant: — " My covenant," says he, " shall

IX.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 381 be in your flesh²³." But he was plainly mistaken, since Almighty God, before he had said, " my Covenant shall be in your flesh," had said already, " it shall be a sign of the covenant." The sign was therefore instituted before the name of the thing was given to it, and the mind, by this exordium, prepared to the understanding of what ensued : from whence it follows, that our Saviour should have prepared the minds of the apostles, in order to take the sign for the thing, had he designed to have given this sense to these words, — " This is my Body — this is my Blood ;" but having not done this, it is to be believed he intended to leave the words in their natural and obvious sense. Calvin owns as much himself, since, by saying that the apostles ought already to have been accustomed to these sacramental ways of speaking, he owns it would have been incongruous to employ such, had thev not been accustomed to them. As it then manifestly appears they could not be accustomed to give the name of a thing to the sign of institution, without being forewarned, and there being no example of this nature in the Old or New Testament, from Calvin's own principles, it must be concluded against Calvin, that Jesus Christ ought not to have spoken in this sense, and had he done it, his apostles would not have understood him.

— Another example which makes nothing to the question, viz. that the Church is also called the Body of Jesus Christ.

And, indeed, the truth is, although he placed his chief strength in these ways of speaking, by him called sacramental, and in all intricacies, ever guided himself by this clue, he is so little satisfied therewith, that he says in other places, that the scriptures naming the Church the Body of our Lord, is the chief support of his doctrine. To make this his chief defence, shows him, indeed, conscious of his weakness. Is the Church the sign of our Lord's body, as Calvin makes the bread to bef ? By no means ; she is his body, as he is her head, by that so common a way of speaking, by which a whole nation, and the prince who governs them, are represented as a kind of natural body, which hath its head and members. What can then be the reason, that after Calvin had laid his main stress on these sacramental ways of speaking, he depends still more on a manner of speaking, which is absolutely of another kind : unless it be, that to support a

» Gen. xvii. 13, Ibid. 11. f Inst. iv. 17.

382 THE HISTORY OP [BOOK figure of which he stands in need, he calls to his assistance all the figurative ways of speech, of what nature soever they be, what little coherence soever they may have ?

— Calvin makes new efforts to preserve the idea of the

Reality.

The rest of his doctrine gives him no less pain, and the violent expressions he makes use of plainly discover it. We have seen how he will have the flesh of Jesus Christ to penetrate us by its substance. I have taken notice that, notwithstanding all these great words, he means no more by them, than that it penetrates us by its virtue; but this manner of speaking appearing weak to him, in order to mix the substance therewith, he makes us receive in the Eucharist²⁴, as it were, " an extract of the Flesh of Jesus Christ, upon condition, however, that it remain in Heaven, and from its substance life flow down upon us ;" as if we received the quintessence and the choicest part of his flesh, the rest abiding in Heaven. I will not say he believed it so; but only, that the grounds of doctrine not being able to supply him wherewith to answer the idea of reality he was so full of, he supplied this defect by far-fetched, unheard-of, and extravagant expressions.

— He cannot answer the idea of Reality, which our Saviour's institution impresses on the mind.

That I may not here dissemble any part of Calvin's doctrine, concerning the communication which we have with Jesus Christ, I am obliged to say, he seems in some places to make Jesus Christ as present in Baptism as in the Supper ; for, in general, he distinguishes three things in the sacrament besides the signf — " the signification, which consists in the promises; the matter or the substance, which is Jesus Christ, with his death and resurrection ; and the effect, namely, sanctification, life eternal, and all the graces which Jesus Christ brings to us." Calvin acknowledges all these things, as well in the Sacrament of Baptism, as in that of the Supper ; and he teaches of Baptism in particular, that % " the Blood of Jesus Christ is not less present to wash souls, than the water to wash bodies ; and, according to St. Paul, we are indeed there clothed with Jesus Christ, and our clothing does not less encompass, than our nourishment penetrates us." Hereby,

% Diluc. Exp. opusc. p. 864.

IX.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 383 then, he openly declares that Jesus Christ is as present in Baptism, as in the Supper ; and the consequence from his doctrine, I own, naturally leads him to it ; for, after all, he neither admits of any other presence in the Supper than by faith, nor of any faith in the Supper but what is in Baptism ; consequently, I am far from pretending he admits in it any other presence in effect. What I pretend to show is, the perplexity he is cast into by these words, (i This is my Body." For either he must confound all mysteries, or he must be able to give a reason why Jesus Christ spoke nowhere else but in the Supper with this energy. If his body and blood be as present, and as really received everywhere else, there was no reason to choose these emphatic words for the Eucharist rather than for baptism ; and the eternal wisdom would have spoken in vain. This very thing will be the everlasting and inevitable confusion of those who defend the figurative sense. On one side, the necessity of allowing something particular to the Eucharist with respect to the presence of the Body; and on the other, the impossibility of doing this, according to their principles, will always involve them in perplexities from which they can never disengage themselves ; and to extricate himself was what made Calvin use so many strong expressions relating to the Eucharist, which he never durst apply to baptism, though there was the same reason for doing it, according to his principles.

— The Calvinists in the main have abandoned Calvin. — How he is explained in the book called the Preservative.

His expressions are so violent, and the turns he here gives to his doctrine are so strained, that his disciples have been forced to abandon him in the main, nor can 1 but observe in this place a notorious variation in the Calvinian doctrine ; inasmuch as the Calvinists now-a-clays, under pretext of interpreting Calvin's words, reduce them to nothing at all. To receive the " proper substance of Jesus Christ" is, according to them*, nothing else but receiving him " by his virtue, by his efficacy, by his merit," the very things which Calvin had rejected as insufficient. All that we can hope from these great words, " the proper substance" of Jesus Christ received in the Supper, is only thisf , viz. that what we there receive, is not the substance of another : but, as for his substance it is no more received, than the substance of the sun is received by the eye when enlightened by its rays : the mean- ing of which is, that they are indeed quite strangers now to that proper substance so much inculcated by Calvin. If they defend it, it is only from a point of honour, and lest they should seem too openly to recant ; and if Calvin, who abetted it with so much force in his books, had not also inserted it in the Catechisms and Confession of Faith, it would have long since been quite abandoned.

— A sequel of the explanations given to Calvin's words.

The same may be said of those words of Calvin and of the Catechism, viz. that Jesus Christ is received fully in the Eucharist, but in preaching and baptism " in part only²⁵." This, naturally understood, implies, that the Eucharist hath something particular in it, which baptism and preaching have not : no such thing ; it means now no more, than three are more than two ; that, after having received grace by baptism and instruction by the word, when to all this God adds the Eucharist, grace increases, and is strengthened, and we possess Jesus Christ more perfectly. Thus, all the perfection of the Eucharist is its coming in the last place ; and although, in instituting it, Jesus Christ made use of such particular terms, it hath nothing particular notwithstanding, nothing 7nore than baptism, unless, perhaps, a new sign ; and Calvin's talking so big of the proper substance was all to no manner of purpose.

By this means, the explanations now given to Calvin's words, and to those of the Catechism and Confession of Faith, under the pretext of interpretation, are a real variation in doctrine, and a proof that the illusions, by which Calvin endeavoured to blind mankind, in order to keep up a notion of reality, could not long subsist.

— Whether there be nothing in these passages of Calvin, but bare defects of expression.

To cover this manifestly weak side of the sect, it is true, the Calvinists answer i", that from these expressions we reproach them with, at most nothing can be concluded but that, perchance, the terms employed by them in explaining their doctrine at the beginning might not be quite so proper. But to answer in this manner, is affecting that they did not see the difficulty. What ought to be concluded from these expressions of Calvin and the Calvinists is, that the words of our Saviour had, at first, do what they would, made such an im-

IX.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 385 pression of reality on their minds, as they never could come up to by words, and which, afterwards, forced them uj)on expressions, which, having no sense in their belief, give testimony to ours; which is not only imposing on themselves by an erroneous way of speaking, but confessing an error in the thing itself, and, even in their confession of faith, bearing the stamp of their own conviction.

— Calvin said more than he meant.

For instance, when he is forced to say, on one side, that the proper substance of the body and blood of our Lord is received ; and on the other, that they are only received by their virtue, as the sun is received by its rays, this is confounding: himself and uttering; contradictions.

Then again, when he is forced to say on one side, that the proper substance of the body and blood of Jesus Christ is as much received, in the Calvinian supper as in that of the Catholics, and that there is no difference but in the manner ; and on the other side, that the body and blood of Jesus Christ are as far distant from the faithful as Heaven is from earth, and that a Real and Substantial Presence is, after all, one and the same thing with an absence, at so prodigious a distance; this is a prodigy unheard of in human language, and such expressions only serve to make us see they would feign have it in their power to say, what, according to their own principles, they cannot say in reason.

— Why Heretics are obliged to imitate the language of the Church.

And, that I may shew once for all, not to come back to it again, the consequence of these expressions of Calvin and the first Calvinists; let us reflect, that never as yet could any heretics be found, that did not affect to speak like the Church. The Arians and Socinians say, as well as we, that Jesus Christ is God, but improperly, and by representation, because he acts in the name of God, and by God's authority. The Nestorians make no difficulty of saying, that the Son of God and the Son of Mary are but the same person ; but just as an ambassador is the same person with the Prince he represents. Shall we say that they hold the same principles as the Catholic Church, and only differ in the way of expressing their thoughts ? On the contrary, it will be said, they speak like her without thinking likelier, because falsehood is forced at least to mimic truth. With relation to proper substance vol. i. 2 c

386 THE HISTORY OP [BOOK and such like expressions in the works of Calvin and the Calvinists, the case is just the same.

— The triumph of Truth.

Here we may observe the conspicuous triumph of Catholic verity, inasmuch as the literal sense of the words of Jesus Christ, which we defend, after forcing Luther to maintain it, however contrary to his inclinations, as hath been seen, hath also forced Calvin, who denies it, to confess nevertheless so many things, which make for, and establish it in an invincible manner.

— A passage in Calvin for a Real Presence, independent of Faith.

Before I quit this subject, I must observe one passage in Calvin²⁶, which affording great room for speculation, I question whether I shall be able to dive to the bottom of it. It concerns the Lutherans, who, without destroying the bread, inclose the body in it. " If (says he), what they pretend, be only this, that, whilst the bread is presented in the mystery, the bodj' is also presented at the same time, because truth is inseparable from its sign, this is what I shall not much oppose.1'

Here is, then, a thing which he neither altogether approves nor disapproves. It is a middle opinion, betwixt his own and that of the generality of the Lutherans : an opinion establishing the body inseparable from the sign ; by consequence, independently of faith, since it is certain, that, without it, the sign may be received: and what is this else, but the opinion, which I have attributed to Bucer and Melancthon, whereby they admit a Real Presence, even in the communion of the unworthy, and without the assistance of faith; requiring this Presence to accompany the sign as to time, but not to be confined to, or contained in it, as to place? This is what Calvin will not much oppose ; that is, he does not much disapprove of a Real Presence inseparable from the sacrament, and independent of faith.

— Ceremonies rejected by Calvin.

I have endeavoured to make known the doctrine of this second Patriarch of the new Reformation, and persuade myself I have discovered what it was that gave him so much authority in that party. It appeared he had new ideas about imputed justice, which was the ground-work of the Reformation, and

IX.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 387 about the Eucharist which had divided them for so long a time; but there was still a third point, which greatly enhanced his credit among those who valued themselves for men of wit. It was his boldness in rejecting ceremonies much beyond whatever the Lutherans had done*, for they had made it a law to themselves, to retain those which were not manifestly contrary to their new tenets. But on this head Calvin was inexorable. He condemned Melancthon, who, in his opinion, thought ceremonies of too little a concern ; and if the worship, introduced by him, appeared to some too naked, even this had a new charm for the men of taste and spirit, who thought thereby to raise themselves above their senses, and soar beyond the vulgar. And because the Apostles had written little on ceremonies, which they were satisfied with establishing by practice, or often left to the disposal of each Church, the Calvinists boasted, above all the Reformers, that they adhered with greatest purity to the letter of Scripture, which in England and Scotland gave them the name of Puritans.

— What opinion the other Protestants had of the CaU vinists.

By this means Calvin refined upon, and outstripped the first authors of the new Reformation, The party which bore his name was hated extremely by all the other Protestants, who looked upon them as the most haughty, restless, and seditious of any that had appeared as yet. There is no need of alleging what has, in several places, been written of them by James I., King of England and Scotland. He makes, nevertheless, an exception in favour of Puritans of other countries, thinking it enough to publish, from his own experience, that he knew none more dangerous, or greater enemies to the regal power, than those he had met with in his own kingdoms. Calvin made much progress in France ; and this great kingdom, by the attempts of his followers, saw itself on the very brink of ruin : so that he was in France much like what Luther was in Germany ; and Wittemberg, which gave the new Gospel its first birth, was rivalled by Geneva, where ruled this head of the second party of the new Reformation.

• Ep. ad Mel. p. 120, etc.

— Calvin's pride.

How much smitten he was with this glory we shall perceive by a few words he wrote to Melancthon²⁷. " I own myself (says he) much your inferior ; yet am nowise ignorant to what a degree God has raised me on this theatre, nor can our friendship be violated without injuring the Church." To see himself, as it were, exposed upon a grand theatre, and the eyes of all Europe turned upon him ; to see himself advanced to the foremost rank by his elocpaence ; to be conscious of the name he had acquired, and an authority revered by such a j)arty, made Calvin no longer able to contain himself; to him this was too alluring a charm, and it is the same charm that has made all heresiarchs.

— His boasting.

It was from a sense of this secret pleasure that, in his answer to Balduinus *j-, his great adversary, he thus expressed himself: " He tells me, with reproach, that I have no children, and that God has snatched away the son he had bestowed upon me. Ought I to be thus reproached? I, who have so many thousands of children throughout all Christendom !"" To which he adds, " To all France is known my irreproachable faith, my integrity, my patience, my watchfulness, my moderation, and my assiduous labours for the service of the Church ; things that, from my early youth, stand proved by so many illustrious tokens. With the support of such a conscience, to be able to hold my station to the very end of life, is enough for me."

— The difference between Luther and Calvin.

He had so much extolled the holy ostentation and magnanimity of Luther, that he was not easy till he had followed the example ; although, to avoid the ridicule which Luther fell into, he particularly set up for the character of modesty, as one who had a mind to have it in his power to brag, that " he was without pride, and feared nothing so much as boasting % : " so that the difference betwixt Luther and Calvin's ostentation is, that Luther, who was hurried away by the impetuosity of his temper, ever thoughtless of moderation or restraint, praised himself as it were in transport : but the self-commendations Calvin fell into, in spite of all the laws

IX.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 389 of modesty which he had set to himself, burst from the centre of his heart, and violently broke through all barriers. Howpleasing was he in his own eyes, when he commends so much²⁸ " His own frugality, his incessant labours, his constancy in dangers, his watchfulness to comply with his charge, his indefatigable application to extend the kingdom of Christ Jesus, his integrity in defending the doctrine of piety, and the serious occupation of his whole life in the meditation of heavenly things." Nothing Luther ever said came up to this, nor did the sallies of unbridled passion ever make him say so much as Calvin utters of himself in cold blood.

— How Calvin boasted of his eloquence.

Nothing delighted him more than the glory of writing well ; and Westphalus, a Lutheran, having called him a declaimer, " Do what he will (says he) nobody will ever give him credit, and the whole world is fully satisfied how well I know to press an argument, how distinct is that conciseness with which I writef."

This is giving to himself, in three words, the whole glory that the art of elocpience can bestow on man. Here is, at least, a commendation which Luther never arrogated to himself; for though he was one of the sprightliest orators of his age, so far from making it appear that he valued himself for eloquence, he took a pleasure in saying he was a poor monk, bred up in schools and obscurity, unacquainted with the art of sjDeaking. But Calvin, wounded in this tender part, flies out, and, at the expense of modesty, cannot forbear saying that nobody delivers his thoughts more distinctly, or argues more strongly than himself.

8 1 . — Calvin's eloquence.

Let us then allow him this glory, since he is so fond of it, of having written as well as any of that age j nay, if he desires it, let us even set him above Luther : for, although Lutherhad something more original and lively, Calvin, inferior in genius, seems to carry it by dint of study. Luther triumphed in speaking ; but Calvin's pen was more correct, especially in Latin ; and his style, which was more serious, was also much more coherent and more chastened. They both spoke their native language in perfection ; the vehemence of both was extraordinary ; both gained many disciples and admirers²⁹ by their talents ; elated with their success, they both despised the Fathers ; both were impatient of contradiction, nor did their eloquence ever flow more copiously than when fraught with contumelies.

— His temper as violent, but sourer than Luther'' s.

Whoever blushed at those which Luther's arrogance drew from his pen, will not be less confounded at the excesses of Calvin : his adversaries are always knaves, fools, rogues, drunkards, furies, madmen, beasts, bulls, asses, dogs, swine ; and Calvin's fine style is polluted with this filth through every page. Be they Catholics or Lutherans, it is all one to him, he spares none. Westphalus's school is to him a stinking hog-sty. The Lutherans' supper is almost always called a supper of Cyclopes, " at which a barbarity may be seen becoming Scythians * ;" if he is used to say that the devil drives on Papists, he repeats a hundred times-}- he has bewitched the " Lutherans, and that he cannot comprehend why he, above all others, is assaulted by them, unless it be that Satan, whose vile slaves they are, so much the more urges them on against him, as he sees his labours more useful to the Church than theirs."

The individuals whom he treats thus were the chief and most renowned among the Lutherans. Amidst these invectives he still boasts of his sweetness^ ; and after having stuffed his book with all that can be imagined, not only most bitter, but also most atrocious, he thinks he comes well off by saying³⁰, " That he was so remote from any gall, when he penned these injurious taunts,, that he himself, upon reading his work over again, stood quite astonished that so much harsh language could have ever been uttered by him, and his heart still void of bitterness. It was (says he) the heinousness of the subject which alone furnished him with all these abusive words, which stood ready to bolt from him. After all, he is not displeased that these stupid creatures have, at last, smarted under the lash, and hopes this may help to mend them." Yet he does not refuse to own he has said some: thing more than he would have done, and that the remedy applied by him was a little too violent. But, after this modest confession, he indulges his passion more than ever, and in the very same breath that he interrogates, " Dog, dost thou understand me ? Madman, dost thou comprehend me ? Dost thou take me right, great beast ? (he adds) that

% 2 Def. in Westph. J Ult. Adm. p. 795.

IX.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 391 he is well pleased that the contumelies men load him with are not retaliated *. Luther's passion, compared with this, was meekness itself; and, should a comparison be instituted between them, there is not a man who had not rather stand the brunt of the impetuous and insolent fury of the one, than of the profound and bitter malice of the other, who brags of being cool in the disgorging of such a flow of rancour upon all that come in his way.

— The contempt he has for the Fathers.

Both of them, after their attacks on mortal men, turned their malice against heaven, by openly despising the authority of the holy Fathers. Every body knows how often Calvin had trampled on their decisions, what a pleasure he took in taking them to task like school-boys, in giving them their lessons, and the outrageous manner whereby he thought to elude their unanimous consent, by saying, for instance f, " that these good men followed, without discretion, a custom that prevailed without reason, and which was but a little while in getting into vogue."

— The Fathers make themselves respected, by Protestants in spite of them.

The subject he then had in hand was prayer for the dead. All his writings are full of the like discourses. But, in spite of heretical pride, the authority of the Fathers and ecclesiastical antiquity lies weighty on their minds. For all Calvin's avowed contempt of the Fathers, he cites them, nevertheless, as witnesses, whose authority it is not lawful to reject, when, after quoting them, he writes these words t : (' What will they say to the ancient Church? will they damn the ancient Church? or, will they banish St. Augustine out of the Church ? " The very same might be retorted on him, regarding the subject of prayer for the dead, and in the rest ; where it is certain, and often by his own confession, that he hath the Fathers against him. But without entering into this particular dispute, I am satisfied with having observed that our Reformists are often constrained by the force of truth, to respect the sentiments of the Fathers more than their doctrine and inclination carries them to.

\ 2 Def. opusc. 777. Admon. ul. 836. Ibid.³¹

— Whether Calvin ever varied in his doctrine.

Those who have seen the endless variations of Luther may inquire whether Calvin fell into the same fault. To which I shall answer, that, besides a more coherent way of thinking, he had the advantage of writing a long time after the beginning of the pretended Reformation ; so that matters having been already much discussed, and doctors having had leisure to digest them, Calvin's doctrine seems more uniform than that of Luther. But, however, we shall see hereafter (whether from a policy usual to the heads of new sects to mend and perfect their own work, or, by a necessity common to those who fall into error) that Calvin also varied very much, not only in his own particular writings, but also in the public acts, which he drew in the name of all his followers, or which he inspired them with. And even to go no further, upon considering only what I have already related of his doctrine, we may have seen that it abounds with contradictions, that he follows not his own principles, and, with great words, says just nothing.

— Variations in the Acts of the Calvinists. — The agreement of Geneva compared with the Catechism and the Confession of France. — 1554.

And if we make never so little reflection on those acts which he framed, or which the Calvinists, with his approbation, published in five or six years' time³², neither he nor they can in anyway clear themselves of the guilt of having expounded their faith with a criminal dissimulation. In 1554, we have seen a solemn agreement made between those of Geneva and Zurich j it was drawn by Calvin, and the common faith of these two churches is there set forth. Concerning the Supper, no more is said there than that these words, " ' This is my body,' must not be taken precisely in a literal sense, but figuratively ; so that the name of the body and blood is by metonymy given to the bread and wine which signify them; and that if Jesus Christ nourishes us by the food of his body, and the drink of his blood, this is done by faith and the virtue of the Holy Ghost, without any transfusion or other mixture of substance, but because we have life by his body once sacrificed, and his blood once shed for us.'" If, in this t( agreement," we find nothing mentioned either of the proper " substance " of the body and blood received

IX.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 393 in the Supper, or of the incomprehensible miracles of this Sacrament, or such like things as have been remarked in the Catechism and the Confession of Faith of the French Calvinists, the reason is obvious. Namely, because the Swiss, as hath appeared, and those of Zurich, having been instructed by Zuinglius, would never come into the notion of any miracle in the Supper ; and satisfied witK a virtual presence, knew not the meaning of that communication of proper substance, which Calvin and the Calvinists kept such a stir about : in order, therefore, to come to an agreement, these things were necessarily to be suppressed, and such a confession of faith as the Swiss could accept was to be presented to them.

— A third Confession of Faith sent into Germany. — 1557.

To these two confessions of faith drawn by Calvin, one for France, the other to please the Swiss, a third also during his life was added in favour of the German Protestants. Beza and Farel, deputed by the reformed churches of France and that. of Geneva in 1557, carried it to Worms, where the Princes and States of the Augsburg Confession were assembled. The design was to engage them to intercede, in the Calvinists' behalf, with Henry II., who, treading in the steps of Francis I., his father, did his utmost to depress them. The expressions of " proper substance,-" readily laid aside when the Swiss were treated with, were not forgotten now ; nay, so many other things were added, and so much said, that, how all this can be reconcileable with the doctrine of a figurative sense is past my skill to discover. For it is there said *, "That not only the benefits of Jesus Christ are received in the Supper, but even his proper flesh and substance ; that the body of the Son of God is not there proposed to us in figure only and by signification symbolically or typically as a memorial of Jesus Christ absent, but that he is truly and certainly rendered present with the symbols, which are not mere signs. And if (said they) we add, that the manner whereby this body is given to us is symbolical and sacramental, this is not because it is only figurative, but by reason that, under the species of things visible, God offers to us, gives to us, and, with the symbols, renders present to us, that which is there signified to us ; and this we say, to the end it may appear that in the Supper we retain the proper body and the

394 THE HISTORY OP [BOOK.

proper blood of Jesus Christ ; and, if any dispute still remain, it concerns nothing but the manner."

Till now, we had never heard the Calvinists say that the Supper was not to be looked upon as a memorial of Jesus Christ absent : we had never heard them say, that in order to give us, not his benefits, but his substance and his proper flesh, he rendered it truly present to us under the species ; nor that in the Supper was to be confessed a presence of the proper body and the proper blood ; and were we not acquainted with the equivocations of the Sacramentarians, we could not but take them for as zealous defenders of the Real Presence as the Lutherans themselves. To hear them talk, one might reasonably doubt if any difference betwixt theirs and the Lutheran doctrine still remained. ?' If (said they) any dispute still remain, it concerns not the thing itself, but the manner of the presence only ;" so that the presence they acknowledge in the Supper must, in reality, be as real and as substantial as that which the Lutherans confess.

And, in fact, when afterwards they treat on the manner of this presence, they reject nothing in this manner but what the Lutherans reject : they reject the natural or local manner of uniting himself to us ; and nobody says that Jesus Christ is united to us in the natural and ordinary way, or that he is in the sacrament, or in the faithful, as bodies are in their place — for he is there certainly in a more elevated manner. They reject the effusion of the human nature of Jesus Christ ; to wit, Ubiquity, which the Lutherans rejected likewise, and which, as yet, had not so highly gained the ascendant. They reject a gross mixture of the substance of Jesus Christ together with ours, which nobody did admit, for nothingcan be less gross, and further remote from vulgar mixtures, than the union of our Lord's body with ours, which is no less avowed by Lutherans than by Catholics. But what they, above all things, reject utterly, is that gross and diabolical Transubstantiation, without saying so much as a word of the Lutheran Consubstantiation, which, as we shall see, they did not think in their hearts a whit less diabolical or less carnal. But it behoved them to be silent on that head, for fear of offending the Lutherans, whose assistance they were then imploring. And, finally, they concluded quite short, by saying that the presence wThich they acknowledge, is brought about in a spiritual manner, and supported by the incomprehensible virtue of the Holy Ghost ; — words

IX.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 395 which the Lutherans themselves employed, as well as Catholics, in order to exclude, together with a presence in figure, even a presence in virtue, which has nothing in it that is miraculous or beyond comprehension.

— Another Confession of Faith made by those in Prison, in order to be sent to the Protestants.

Such was the Confession of Faith which the Calvinists of France sent to the Protestants of Germany. Those who were imprisoned in France on the score of religion, joined to it their particular declaration, in which they expressly receive the Confession of Augsburg in all its articles, excepting only that of the Eucharist ; adding, nevertheless, what is not less strong than the Augsburg Confession, that the Supper is not a sign of Jesus Christ absent ; then, turn themselves immediately against the Papists, and their change of substance and adoration, without speaking so much as a word against the particular doctrine of Lutheranism.

This was the cause that induced the Lutherans, with the joint consent of all their divines, to judge that this declaration sent from France was conformable, in every point, to the Confession of Augsburg, notwithstanding what was there said concerning the tenth article ; because, in the main, it said more on the Real Presence than this article had done.

The article of Augsburg expressed '³³ that, with the bread and wine, the body and blood were truly present and truly distributed to those who took the Supper." These say, " that the proper flesh, and the proper substance of Jesus Christ, is truly present, and truly given with the symbols, and under the visible species," and the rest nothing less precise than what has been related ; insomuch, that if it be asked which more strongly express the Substantial Presence, the Lutherans who believe it, or the Calvinists who disbelieve it, the last will certainly have the preference.

— All the other articles of the Augsburg Confession are owned by the Calvinists.

As for the other articles of the Confession of Augsburg, thev stood confirmed by the sole exception of this article of the Supper ; that is to say, the Calvinists, even those who were detained in prison for their religion's sake, professed, contrary to their belief, the necessity of baptism, the amissibility of justice, the uncertainty of predestination, the merit of good works, and prayer for the dead ; all points which we have read in express terms in the Augsburg Confession ; and in this manner did the martyrs of the new Reformation destroy, by their equivocations, or express denial, that faith for which they died.

— Reflections on these three Confessions of Faith.

Thus have we clearly seen three different languages of our Calvinists in three different Confessions of Faith. By that which they made for themselves, they appeared anxious to please themselves : to content the Zuinglians, they lopped off" something from it ; and, in case of need, they knew what to add to make the Lutherans their friends.

— The Conference of Poissy. — How undertaken. — Calvin comes not to it, but leaves the affair to Beza. — 1561.

We shall now hear the Calvinists explain their doctrine, not among one another, or to the Zuinglians or Lutherans, but to the Catholics. This happened in 1561, in the minority of Charles IX., at the famous conference of Poissy, where, by the orders of Queen Catherine de Medicis, his mother and regent of the kingdom, the prelates were assembled, in order to confer with the ministers about reforming those abuses which gave a pretext to heresy³⁴.

As in France people grew weary of the long delays of a general council, so often promised by the popes, and of the frequent interruptions of that which was at length convened by them at Trent, the queen, deceived by some prelates of suspected doctrine, whose sentiments were backed by the Lord Chancellor de l'Hopital, a great personage, and very zealous for his country, believed too easily, that in so universal a commotion she might of herself take care of France apart, without the authority of the Holy See and council. She was made to believe that a conference would reconcile men's minds, and that the disputes which divided them would more surely be determined by an agreement than by a decision, which could not fail of displeasing one or the other side. The cardinal Charles of Lorrain, Archbishop of Rheims, who, having governed all under Francis II., with his brother Francis, Duke of Guise, had always maintained himself in great repute, a great genius, a great statesman, of a sparkling and winning eloquence, learned even for a man of his quality and employments, hoped to signalize himself in public, and withal to please the court, by entering into

IX.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 397 the queen's design. By this means the assembly of Poissy was set on foot. The Calvinists deputed thither the ablest men they had, excepting Calvin, whom they would not shew, whether from fear of exposing to the public hatred the head of so odious a party, or he himself believed it safer for his honour to send his disciples, he remaining at Geneva where he ruled, and underhand managed the assembly, than to engage in person.

It is likewise true, that the weakness of his health, and the violence of his headstrong temper, rendered him less able to maintain a conference, than Theodore Beza, who was of a more robust constitution, and had more command of himself : Beza, then, was the man that most appeared, or rather, who alone appeared in this assembly. He was looked upon as the principal disciple, and the intimate friend of Calvin, who had chosen him for a coadjutor in his ministry and labours at Geneva, which seemed the metropolis of his Reformation. Calvin dispatched his instructions to him, and Beza returned him a full account of all transactions, as appears from both their letters.

— Matters treated of in the Conference, and the opening of it.

Two points of doctrine only, properly speaking, were debated in this assembly : one relating to the Church ; the other to the Supper. There lay the stress of the whole affair, because the article of the Church was looked upon by Catholics as a general principle, which subverted the very foundation of all new Churches; and among the particular articles disputed on, none appeared so essential as that of the Supper. The Cardinal of Lorrain urged the opening of the Conference, though the main body of the prelates, especially the Cardinal de Tournon, Archbishop of Lyons, who presided over them in quality of the oldest Cardinal, had an extreme repugnance to it. They apprehended, and with reason too, lest the subtilties of the ministers, their dangerous eloquence heightened with an air of piety, never wanting to the most perverse of heretics, and more than all this, lest the charms of novelty might impose on courtiers, before whom they were to speak, but chiefly on the King and Queen, both susceptible, he by reason of his tender age, she from natural curiosity, of any impressions, rather bad than good, considering the wretched disposition of human nature, and the temper which then prevailed at court. But the Cardinal of

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Lorrain, supported by Montluc, Bishop of Valence, carried the point, and so the conference began.

— The harangue of the Cardinal of Lorrain. — The Calvinists' Confession of Faith presented to the King in the Assembly. — Beza speaks, and says more than makes for him concerning the absence of Jesus Christ in the Supper.

There is no need of my giving an account, either of the admirable harangue made by the Cardinal of Lorrain, and its merited applause, or of the honour which Beza acquired by offering to answer at the moment to the Cardinal's premeditated discourse * ; but it is of some importance to remember, that, in this august assembly, the ministers presented publicly to the King, in the name of all their Churches, their joint Confession of Faith, drawn under Henry II., in their first synod held at Paris, as above mentioned. Beza, who presented it, made at the same time, by a long discourse, the defence of it, when, notwithstanding all his address, he fell into a great self-contradiction. He, who a few days before, being accused by the Cardinal of Lorrain in the presence of Queen Catherine and the whole court, of having written in one of his books, that Jesus Christ was no more in the Supper than in the mire, Non magis in Ccend quam in Coeno, had rejected this proposition as impious and detested by the whole party, advanced the equivalent to it, at the Conference, even in the face of all France. For, being on the subject of the Eucharist, in the heat of his discourse, he said, that with respect to place, and the presence of Jesus Christ considered according to his human nature, his body was as far distant from the Supper as the highest Heavens are from earth. The whole assembly was in a commotion at these words f. They remembered with what a horror he had spoken of that proposition, which as much excluded Jesus Christ from the Supper, as from the mire. He now falls into it again, when nobody urges him. The murmur from all sides made it appear how much men were struck witli so strange a novelty. Beza himself, under confusion for having said so much, did not cease thereafter to importune the Queen, by frequent and reiterated requests, to obtain the liberty of explaining himself, on the plea that, being pressed by time, he had not had the leisure of making his thought rightly understood before the King. But so many words are not required to utter what a man believes. And, indeed, one may venture to say,

IX.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC, 399 that what disturbed Beza was not any deficiency in expounding his tenets, but, rather, what gave him and his friends so much anxiety, was, that by laying open in too distinct terms the bottom of the party's doctrine on the real absence of Jesus Christ, he had made it but too visibly appear, that the great words of Proper Substance and the like, which they employed to keep up some notion of reality, were nothing but mere sham.

— Another explanation of the Supper -article full of perplexed words.

From harangues they soon proceeded to particular conferences, chiefly on the Supper, wherein the Bishop of Valence, and Duval, Bishop of Sees, to whom a smattering of erudition, not to mention other motives, gave a secret propensity towards Calvinism, were set on nothing else, together with the ministers, but to find out some ambiguous formulary which both sides, in some measure, might rest satisfied with, without diving to the bottom of the question.

The strong expressions, which we have seen in the Confession of Faith then presented, were pretty well adapted to this scheme ; but the ministers must needs make further additions which ought not to be omitted. This will appear surprising ; for, as they ought to have done their best fully to explain their doctrine in the confession of faith, which they but just presented to so solemn an assembly, it seems that, when questioned concerning their belief, they should have nothing else to do than refer themselves to so authentic an act ; but this is what they did not do ; and behold here in what manner they proposed their doctrine by common consent. " We confess the presence of the body and blood of Jesus Christ in the holy Supper, where he truly gives us the substance of his body and blood by the operation of his Holy Spirit, and that we receive and eat, spiritually and by faith, this same true body, which was sacrificed for us ; to the end we might be bone of his bone, and flesh of his flesh, and be enlivened, and receive all that is profitable to our salvation ; and by reason that faith, supported by God's promise, makes present the things received, and takes really and in fact the true natural body of our Lord, by virtue of the Holy Ghost ; in this sense, we do believe and confess the presence of the proper body and the proper blood of Jesus Christ in the Supper." Here are still those great phrases, those pompous expressions, and those long discourses for the³⁵ purpose of saying nothing. But after all this verbosity, they were not yet satisfied with their exposition, but soon after subjoined, " That the distance of place could be no hindrance to our partaking of the body and blood of Jesus Christ, by reason that our Lord's Supper is a heavenly thing, and although we on earth receive with our mouths the bread and wine as the true signs of the body and blood, our souls, ■which are nourished therewith, being raised up to Heaven by faith, and the efficacy of the Holy Ghost, enjoy present the body and blood of Jesus Christ ; and in that manner the body and blood are truly united to the bread and wine, but in a sacramental way, to wit, not according to place, or the natural position of bodies, but inasmuch as they efficaciously signify, that God gives this body and this blood to those who faithfully partake of the signs themselves, and that by faith they truly do receive them." How many words, only to express, that the signs of the body and blood, received with faith, do, by this faith inspired from God, unite us to the body and blood which are in heaven ! No more than this had been requisite to explain themselves distinctly; and this substantial enjoyment of the body truly and really present, and the rest of that sti'ain, are to no other pui-pose than to i-aisea mist of confused ideas, instead of dispelling, by setting things in a clear light, which, in an explanation of faith, we are obliged to do. But, in this simplicity, which we demand of them, Christians would not have found what they desired, namely, the true presence of Jesus Christ in both his natures ; and, deprived of this presence, would have perceived, as it were, a certain void, which, for want of the thing itself, the ministers endeavoured to fill up with this multiplicity of sounding, yet insignificant expressions.

— The re/lections of Catholics on these indeterminate and pompous discourses.

The Catholics, at a loss to know the meaning of all this monstrous language, could only perceive from it that Beza's great design, by all these phrases, was to supply what he was conscious was too hollow and defective in the Calvinian Supper. The whole force of them lay in these words, "Faith makes present the things promised." But this discourse appeared very indeterminate to Catholics. By this means, said they, judgment and the general resurrection, the glory of the blessed, as well as the fire of the damned, will be equally present to us with the body of Jesus Christ in the

IX.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 401

Holy Eucharist ; and if this presence, by faith, makes us receive the very substance of things, nothing hinders the happy souls that are in heaven from receiving, actually and before the general resurrection, the proper substance of their bodies as truly as we are here made to receive, by faith, the proper substance of the body of Jesus Christ. For, if faith renders things so truly present, as thereby to possess the substance of them, how much more the beatific vision ! But in order to unite to us the proper substance of the body and blood, what avails this lifting up our souls to heaven by faith ? Can a moral elevation, and in affection only, bring about such unions ? In this manner, what substance is there that cannot be embraced ? What does the efficacy of the Holy Ghost work here ? The Holy Ghost inspires faith, but faith thus inspired, be it never so strong, unites itself no more to the substance of things than other thoughts, than other affections of the mind. What can be the meaning of those indefinite words, " We receive from Jesus Christ what is profitable to us," without declaring what this is? if these words of our Saviour, " Flesh profiteth nothing," are, as the Ministers will have it, to be understood of the true flesh of Jesus Christ considered as to its substance, to what purpose so much noise about what they pretend affords no profit ? why is there kept so great a work about the substance of the flesh and blood received so really ? why not reject, concludedkCatholics, these empty words, and, in proposing their faith, at least lay cant aside, and speak intelligibly ?

— Peter Martyr's opinion concerning the equivocations of the Ministers.

Peter Martyr, a native of Florence, and one of the most famous Ministers that were in this assembly, was of this mind, and frequently declared that, for his part, he knew no meaning this word substance had ; yet endeavoured to explain it the best way he could, not to give offence to Calvin and his companions.

— What the Dr. Depensc added to the Ministers' expressions, in order to make them pass the better.

Claude Depense, a Parisian Doctor, a man of good sense, and learned for a time when matters had not so well been canvassed and cleared up, as they have since been by so much disputation, was among those who were to labour with the vol. i. 2 D

Ministers to reconcile the article of the Supper. Being sincere, and of a mild temper,1 he was judged proper for this design : but, for all his mildness, he could not bear with the doctrine of the Calvinists ; but thought those insupportable who made the work of God, namely, the presence of the body of Jesus Christ, to depend not on the word and promise of him who gave it, but on their faith who were to receive it : accordingly he disapproved their article from the first proposition, and before all the additions which they since made to it. For his part, therefore, to render our communion, with the substance of the body, independent of the faith of men, and annexed only to the efficacy and operation of the word of God, letting pass the first words as far as those where the Ministers say, (i That faith makes things present," he substituted these words in lieu thereof, namely, " And because the word and promise of God makes present the things promised, and by the efficacy of this word we do really and in fact receive the true natural body of our Lord, in this sense we confess and acknowledge in the Supper the presence of his proper body and proper blood." Thus he owned a real and substantial presence independently of faith, and in virtue of the sole words of our Lord ; whereby he thought to determine the ambiguous and unsettled sense of those terms which the Ministers made use of.

— The decision of the Prelates, delivering very plainly and in few words the whole Catholic doctrine.

The Prelates approved nothing of all this, and pursuant to the opinions of the Doctors, whom they had brought along with them, declared the article of the Ministers heretical, captious, and insufficient : heretical, because it denied the substantial, and properly so called, presence ; captious, because, in denying it, it seemed to favour the thing ; insufficient, because it concealed and dissembled the ministry of priests, the force of the sacramental words, and the change of substance, the natural effect thereof³⁶. On their side they opposed to the Ministers a declaration of their faith, as full and as precise as that of the Calvinists was imperfect and perplexed. Beza relates it in these terms : — " We believe and confess, that in the holy sacrament of the altar, the true body and blood of Jesus Christ is ideally and substantially under the species of bread and wine, by the virtue and power of the

IX.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 403 divine word pronounced by the priest, the sole minister ordained for this effect, according to the institution and commandment of our Lord Jesus Christ³⁷." Here is nothing captious or equivocal, and Beza owns this was all that " could be drawn at that time from the clergy, in order to allay the troubles of religion, the prelates having made themselves judges, instead of conferring amicably." 1 desire no other testimony than this of Beza, to shew that the Bishops did their duty in fairly explaining their faith, avoiding great words which impose onjnen by their sound, and signify nothing distinctly, and by refusing to enter into any composition in what relates to faith. Such plain dealing as this suited not the Ministers, and so this great assembly broke up without any manner of success. God baffled the policy and pride of those who thought by their eloquence, little arts, and weak contrivances, to quench, in its first fury, so great a conflagration.

— The vain discourses of the Bishop of Valence, concerning the reformation of manners.

The reformation of discipline succeeded but little better. Fine speeches were uttered, fine proposals made, but to little or no effect. The Bishop of Valence discoursed admirably, as his custom was, against abuses, and on the duties and charge of Bishops, chiefly on that of residence, which he observed the least of any. But, to make amends, he was quite silent as to celibacy, and the exact observance of it, though, by the Fathers, it was always insisted on as the brightest ornament of the ecclesiastical order. He had not feared to violate it by a clandestine marriage, in spite of the canons ; nay, a Protestant historian, who, notwithstanding he sets him off for one "of the wisest and greatest men of that age through the whole sequel of his lifef ," reveals to us his passion, his avarice, and the shameful disorders of his life, the noise of which reached as far as Ireland, in the most scandalous manner imaginable. Yet he declaimed loudly against vice, and convinced mankind that he was one of those admirable reformers who could correct and reprove every thing in their neighbour, provided you leave them but alone to their own corrupted inclinations.

— The Tenth Article of the Augsburg Confession is proposed to the Calvinists, but they refuse to sign it.

As for the Calvinists, it was a triumph to them to have been so much as heard in such an assembly. But this imaginary triumph was but short, for the Cardinal of Lorrain had a long while conceived a design to propose to them the signing of the Tenth Article of the Augsburg Confession : should they sign it, this would be embracing the Reality, which all those of that confession so strenuously defended ; should they refuse it, this would be condemning Luther and his followers in an essential point, who were unquestionably the first authors of the new Reformation, and its main support. In order to make the division of all these Reformers more manifest all over France, the Cardinal had taken his measures beforehand, and agreed with the Lutherans of Germany to send him three or four of their ablest doctors, who, appearing at Poissy under pretext of making up their whole differences at once, should there undertake the Calvinists. Thus these new doctors, all of them giving out the Scripture for so mighty clear, would have been seen urging one another with its authority, yet never able to come to the least agreement. The Lutheran doctors arrived too late ; but the Cardinal nevertheless failed not to make his proposal. Beza and his companions, resolved not to sign the Tenth Article, as proposed, thought to escape by inquiring of the Catholics, in return, whether they were willing to subscribe the rest; by which means they should all, in everything, agree, except the Tenth Article of the Supper alone, a subtile, but frivolous evasion³⁸. For after all, the Catholics had no manner of reason to concern themselves with Luther's authority, nor the Confession of Augsburg, nor the defenders of it, all which the Calvinists could not be too tender of, for fear of condemning the Reformation in its very source. However that may be, this was all the Cardinal obtained; and content with making it appear to all France, that this party of Reformers, who outwardly appeared so terrible, were yet inwardly so weak by their own divisions, he suffered the assembly to break up. But Anthony of Bourbon, King of Navarre and first Prince of the blood, very favourable, till then, to the new party, which he was only acquainted with ,under the appellation of Lutherans, undeceived himself; and instead of that piety, which he had before believed in them, began, from that time,

IX.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 405 to be convinced there was nothing in it but bitter zeal and prodigious infatuation.

— The Confession of Augsburg received by the Calvinists in all other points, yet through policy only.

Yet it was no small advantage to the Catholic cause, to have obliged the Calvinists, in such an assembly, to receive anew the Confession of Augsburg, with exclusion only of the article of Supper ; since, as we have seen, they renounced by this means so many important points of their own doctrine. Beza, nevertheless, spoke out, and made a solemn declaration of it, with the consent of all his colleagues. But whatsoever policy, and the desire of supporting themselves as much as possible by the Confession of Augsburg, might have extorted from them on this occasion, as in many others, their thoughts and words did not agree ; nor can this be doubted of, when the instruction, which, even during the Conference, they received from Calvin³⁹, is looked into. '* You (says he) that assist at the Conference, ought to be upon your guard, lest in maintaining your own just right, you appear stubborn, and so cause the whole blame of the rupture to be cast on you. The Confession of Augsburg, you are sensible, is the torch which your furies employ to light up that fire which has set all France in a combustion ; but you ought to look narrowly into the reason which makes them press you so much to receive it, considering that its suppleness has ever been displeasing to men of good sense, and that Melancthon, its author, often repented of having drawn it up : and lastly, that in many places it is adapted to the practice in Germany; besides that its obscure and defective brevity has this evil in it, of omitting sundry articles of the greatest moment.'"

It then plainly appears, that it was not the sole article of the Supper, but, in general, the whole Confession of Augsburg which displeased him. This only article, nevertheless, was excepted against ; though when Germany was concerned, it was often found proper to waive even this exception.

— How many different parts were played by Calvin and the Calvinists with respect to the Confession of Augsburg.

This is what appears by another letter of the same Calvin, written also during the Conference, whereby we may perceive how many different parts he played at the same time.

It was, I say, at this very time, and in the year 1561, that he wrote a letter to the Princes of Germany in behalf of those of Strasburg ; at the beginning; of which he makes them say *, " That they are of the number of those who receive the Confession of Augsburg throughout, even in the article of the Supper ;" and he adds, " that the Queen of England (Elizabeth), although she approves of the Confession of Augsburg, rejects nevertheless the carnal ways of speaking of Heshusius, and others," who could not endure either Calvin, or Beza, or Peter Martyr, or Melancthon himself, whom, with respect to the Supper, they accused of relaxation.

— A like dissimulation in the Elector Frederick III.

The same behaviour may be seen in the Confession of Faith of the Elector Frederick III., Count Palatine, reported in the collection of Geneva : a confession wholly Calvinistical, and as inimical to the Real Presence as any ever was; since this Prince there declares, that Jesus Christ is not in the Supper " in any manner, either visible, or invisible, comprehensible, or incomprehensible, but in Heaven only f." Nevertheless, his son and successor, John Casimir, in the preface which he places before this Confession, says expressly, "that his father never did depart from the Confession of Augsburg, nor even from the Apology which was joined to it :" it is that of Melancthon, which we have seen to be so distinct and full for the Real Presence ; and, if the son should not meet with credit, the father himself, in the body of his Confession, declares the self-same thing, in the self-same terms.

— Calvin's shifting address with regard to the Tenth Article of the Augsburg Confession.

It was therefore a method pretty much in vogue, even amongst the Calvinists, to approve purely and simply the Confession of Augsburg when Germany was concerned, either out of a certain respect for Luther, the common father of the whole pretended Reformation ; or because that confession only had been tolerated in Germany by the States of the empire ; and even out of the empire itself had obtained so great an authority, that Calvin and the Calvinists^; durst not own, without great deference and precaution, that they departed from it ; seeing that, in the exception even of the sole article of the Supper, which they often made, they rather chose the

% Ep. p. 319. 2, Del'. Ult. Adm. ad Westp.

IX.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 407 subterfuge of diversity of editions, and difference of sense put upon this article, than absolutely to reject it.

And accordingly, Calvin, who makes so free with the Confession of Augsburg, when he speaks in confidence to his friends, everywhere else shews an outward respect for it, even in regard to the article of the Supper, owning he receives it when rightly explained⁴⁰, and in the same manner Melancthon, the author thereof, did himself understand it. But there is nothing more frivolous than this evasion ; for, although this Confession was penned by Melancthon, he did not expound therein his own particular doctrine, but that of Luther and the whole party, whose secretary and interpreter he was, as he himself often declares.

And allowing that in a public act the private sentiments of that person who drew it up might be referred to, it ought, however, to be considered, not what Melancthon's notions were afterwards, but what they and those of all his sect were at that time ; there being no reason to doubt but he endeavoured to explain naturally what they all believed : so much the more, as we have seen that he as sincerely rejected the figurative sense at that time, as Luther himself ; which he never openly approved, notwithstanding the various shifts and inconstancy he afterwards was subject to. It is not, therefore, upright and just dealing to appeal to Melancthon's judgment in this matter ; and for all Calvin's continual boasts of speaking his real sentiments without the least dissimulation, yet it is plainly seen that his design was to flatter the Lutherans. Nay, so palpable became this flattery, that at length they were ashamed of it even in the party; and this was the reason that, in the acts we have just considered, especially in the Conference of Poissy, they resolved to accept the article of the Supper, but that only ; not at all concerned that by their approbation of all the rest, they passed sentence against their own Confession of Faith, which they had but a little before presented to Charles IX.

INDEX

VOLUME THE FIRST.

CONTAINING WHATEVER OCCURS OF IMPORTANCE UNDER THE SAME HEADS IN THE SECOND VOLUME.

Absolution, Sacramental, owned by the Lutherans, 121 — and by the English under Henry VIII., 275.

Abstinence from flesh retained in England, 304 — the Church of Rome justified by the English in her abstinence from flesh, ib.

Adoration, the Protestants cannot endure the adoration rendered to Jesus Christ in the Eucharist, 218 — Luther's doctrine implies adoration, 224 — the adoration of Jesus Christ in the Eucharist suppressed in England under Edward VI., 305— Vide Vol. II.

Aerius. The Lutherans' contradictory sentiments on the doctrine of Aerius against prayer for the dead, 127.

Ailly {Cardinal Peter D'), his opinions concerning the Reformation of the Church, 19, 21.

Albert, of Brandebourg, Great Master of the Teutonic Order, turns Lutheran, and why, 326.

Amissibility of justice owned in the Confession of Augsburg, 114 — received in 1557, by theCalvinists of France, 395 — Vide Vol. II.

Amsdorf (Nicholas), ordained Bishop of Naumburg by Luther, 39.

Anabaptists, the, preach without mission or miracles, 39 — they instil into people the spirit of rebellion, 56 — they rise in arms with unparalleled fury, 57 — they are condemned in the Confession of Augsburg with respect to three considerable articles, 114.

Anne Boleyn, mistress of Henry VIII. King of England, favours Lutheranism, 62, 257 — Henry VIII. marries her, 261 — she upholds with all her power Thomas Cromwell and Cranmer in their designs, 264 — her immodest and licentious behaviour, 265 — her infamous death, 266, 268 — her daughter Elizabeth declared illegitimate, 266.

Anne of Cleves, Henry VIII., King of England, marries her, 273 — she is repudiated, 274.

Anthony of Bourbon, King of Navarre, disabused of the good opinion he had of the Protestant party, 404.

Apology, the, for the Augsburg Confession, made by Melancthon, 91 — . approved by the whole party, ib. — altered by the Lutherans, 93.

Augustin (St.), his doctrine on justifying grace approved by the Lutherans, 121 — rejected by Melancthon, 193.

Augustin (St.), the Monk sent by St. Gregory to convert the English, 301.

410 INDEX.

Augsburg, Diet of, where the Confessions of Faith are presented to Charles V., 89 — the Augsburg Confession of Faith, how drawn up by Melancthon, 90, 120 — this is held in the greatest repute of all the Protestant Confessions of Faith, 91— the tenth Article of the Augsburg Confession relating to the Supper expressed four different ways, ib. — which of these four is the original, 93 — a word in the Augsburg Confession, which tended to Demipelagianism, 103 — strange doctrine of the Augsburg Confession concerning the love of God, 119 — what is said about the Mass in the Confession of Augsburg, 124— the Zuinglians' jests upon the Confession of Augsburg, 344 — owned defective, 183, 346 — corrected, 339 — and nevertheless from a point of honour always approved, 194, 339 — the different editions not to be reconciled, 344, et seq. — the Calvinists receive the Confession of Augsburg in 1557, with the exception only of the tenth article, 395 — which they refuse to sign at Poissy, 404 — what Calvin said concerning the Confession of Augsburg, 4 05 — the dissimulation of the Elector Frederick III., with respect to the Confession of Augsburg, 406 — Calvin's shifting address with regard to the tenth Article of the Confession of Augsburg, ib.

Authority of the Church — Vide Church.

Baptism, error of the Zuinglians on baptism, 67 — infant baptism by the Lutherans believed necessary to salvation, 104 — the necessity of baptism taught in the Confession of Augsburg, 114 — this necessity denied by Calvin, 340 — Calvin teaches that baptism is not necessary to salvation, 358 — Calvin" s contradictions upon infant baptism, 36] — the necessity of baptism received in 1557 by the Calvinists of France, 395.

Basil, the Confession of Faith of those of Basil, 148 — another Confession of those of Basil, and the precedent one softened, 150 — the equivocation of this Confession of Faith, 151.

Bernard (St.), his desire of the Reformation of Church-discipline, 18 — St. Bernard, ill-cited by Protestants for the necessity of reforming the Church, 20 — St. Bernard placed by Luther in the list of Saints, 124.

Bernardin Ochin, called into England to begin the Reformation there, 299.

Beza maintains that the sense which Catholics give to the words of the institution is more supportable than that of the Lutherans, 77 — he is deputed by the Protestant Churches of France to the assembly of Worms and Geneva, 393 — he is present at the Conference of Poissy, 397 — he harangues there, and lets fall more than he intended to have said with relation to the absence of Jesus Christ in the Supper, 398 — Vide Vol. II.

Bishops, authority of Bishops despised by Protestants, 1 74 — Melancthon is for owning Bishops, 188 — all the Bishops in England subscribe the

. decisions of Henry VIII., 271 — the Bishops of England take out new commissions from Edward VI., 295 — the Bishops of England have no share in matters of religion and faith, 298.

Bohemians, their separation condemned by Luther, 33 — the buffooneries of Luther, 45, 228.

Brags of Calvin, 389.

Brentius, a famous Protestant, favours Osiander, 337.

Bucer gives a figurative sense to the words of the institution, 70 — he was present at the Conference of Marpurg, 87 — he draws up the Strasburg Confession of Faith, 90 — his character, ib.— his fruitfulness in equivocations, ib. 96 — his doctrine on the merit of good works, 118 — he undertakes the defence of the prayers of the Church, and shews in what

INDEX. 411 sense the merits of Saints are useful to us, 1 1 9 — he is dispatched by the Landgrave of Hesse, to have an interview with Luther and Zuinglius, 137 — his transactions with Luther, 140 — his equivocating shifts in order to reconcile the parties, 141 — the agreement by him proposed, no more than verbal, 142 — his equivocations on the words Sacrament and Mystery, 145 — he plays with words, 146 — he owns that the unworthy receive the body of Jesus Christ really, 118, 226 — he grants six Articles to Luther concerning the Supper, 152 — he deceives Luther, and evades the terms of agreement, 153 — his equivocations owned by Calvin, 155 — those even of Zurich make a jest of them, 157 — explication of the doctrine, and the return of the towns from his belief to that of the Real Presence, 159 — he satisfies the Lutherans in the assembly of Smalcald, 164 — Bucer's testimony concerning the hypocrisy of the Protestants, 178 — he is sent to Luther by the Landgrave to obtain leave for this Prince to marry a second wife, his first still living:, 205 — he makes a new Confession of Faith, 216 — his perplexities with relation to the communion of the impious, 217 — his doctrine about the Eucharist not hearkened to in England, 220 — he is present at the Conference of Ratisbon, 323 — he makes a new Confession of Faith, ib. — he dies in England without having been able to change anything in the articles of Peter Martyr, 325. Burnet (Mr.), a new piece published by Mr. Burnet about Luther's sentiment touching a reconciliation with the Zuinglians, 229 — he owns that the Reformation began in England by a man equally rejected by both parties, 254 — Mr. Burnet's magnificent words concerning the English Reformation, 253 — the heroes of Mr. Burnet's history even by his own testimony are not always very virtuous men, 255 — what he relates of Montluc, Bishop of Valence, 256 — what he says of Cranmer, Archbishop of Canterbury, 257 — what he says of the oath Cranmer took at his Consecration, 259 — what he says of the cruelties and excesses of Henry VI II., 262 — the praises he gives to Queen Catherine, the lawful wife of Henry VIII., 265 — what he says of the disorderly behaviour of Anne Boleyn, ib. — he comes off lamely in his excuse of Cranmer's cowardice, 267 — how he excuses the Protestants of England for subscribing the decisions of Henry VIII., who approved the principal points of the Catholic doctrine, 271 — his vain artifices to excuse the hypocrisy of Thomas Cromwell, 273 — he is ashamed of that sentence which annulled the marriage of Henry VIII. with Anne of Cleves, 274 — he owns that scarce anything was changed in the Offices and Rituals of the Church under Henry VIIL, 276 — what he says of Cranmer's resisting the Six Articles of Henry VIIL, ib. — he is confounded at Cranmer's doctrine about the power of the Ministers of the Church, 277 — he laments his seeing in England the ecclesiastical power in the hands of seculars, 278 — he sets down two points of Reformation under Henry VIIL, 288 — a proof, from Mr. Burnet, of the snares laid for the weak and simple by the pretended perspicuity of Scripture, 289 — Mr. Burnet's confession of the belief of the Greek Church, 300 — he vindicates us in the observance of Saints-days and abstinence from flesh, 304 — his vain efforts to justify Cranmer in little things, without sayins: a word of great ones, 308 — he ill compares Cranmer's twice abjuring his faith to the denial of St. Peter, 311 — he badly excuses the Reformers, 313 — the fallacy in the examples alleged by him, ib. — his facts far from being certain, ib. — his imposition with regard to Fra- Paolo, 314 — his error concerning the Pallium, 316 — his gross error concerning Celibacy and the Roman Pontifical, 317 — Vide vol. II.

412 INDEX.

Calumnies of Protestants against the Church on the point of Justification, 103 — other calumnies on the merit of good works, 105 — three other calumnies against the Invocation of Saints, and concerning Images, 129.

Calvin, his esteem for Luther, 5, 23 — what Calvin writes to Melancthon upon the strange division of Protestants, 85 — his sentiments on equivocations in matters of faith, 154 — what he writes to Bullinger and Melancthon about the tyranny of Luther, 180 — what he says of the adoration of the blessed Sacrament retained by Luther, 224 — be favours Henry VIII. in his divorce, 284 — he rejects the ceremonies of the Church, ib. — what he says of Osiander's profane temper, 327 — the incompatibility of his sentiments with those of Melancthon, 174 — he draws up a Confession of Faith, 354 — his genius ; his refinements surpass those of Luther, 355 — he adds to imputed justice the certainty of Salvation, 356 — he teaches that justice cannot be lost, 357 — he teaches that Baptism is not necessary to salvation, ib. — he maintains that the children of the faithful are born in grace, 358 — Calvin's principles but supposed ; he argued better than Luther, but swerved wider from truth, 359 — two tenets of Calvin's, concerning children, not suiting with his principles, ib. — his agreement with those of Geneva and Zurich, 361 — the contradictions of his doctrine upon Infant Baptism, ib. — his refinements upon the Eucharist, 3G2 — he shews that, after fifteen years' disputing, the Lutherans and Zuinglians had not understood one another on this point, ib. — Calvin, already known on account of his Institutions, makes himself more so by his Treatise on the Supper, ib. — his doctrine on the Eucharist almost forgotten by his followers, ib. — he is not satisfied with receiving a sign only in the Supper, 363 — not even an efficacious sign, nor the virtue and merit of Jesus Christ, ib. — his doctrine partakes somewhat of that of Bucer's and of the Articles of Wirtemberg, ib. — he endeavours to reconcile Luther and Zuinglius, 367 — with what force he speaks of the Reality, ib. — a new effect of Faith, according to Calvin, 368 — he will have the proper substance, and that we receive the body and blood of Jesus Christ otherwise than did the ancient Hebrews, 369 — according to his expressions it must be believed that the reception of the body of Jesus Christ is independent of Faith, ib. — and that the true body is in the Sacrament, 370 — he maintains that the body is under the sign of bread, as the Holy Ghost under the dove, ib. — he makes Jesus Christ present in the bread as God was in the ark, 371 — he says he disputes but of the manner, and admits the thing as much as we, ib. — he admits a presence of the body which is miraculous and ineffable, 372 — he admits a presence that is proper and peculiar to the Supper, 373 — the communion of the unworthy, how real, according to Calvin, ib. — a comparison by him made use of to enforce the truth of the body's being received by the unworthy, 374 — he speaks inconsequently, 375 — he explains as we do that saying, " that flesh profiteth nothing," 376 — he weakens his own expressions, and eludes the miracle which he owns in the Supper, 377 — he is sensible of the insufficiency of his doctrine to explain the miracle of the Eucharist, 378 — his perplexities and contradictions in the defence of the figurative sense, 379 — the cause of his perplexity, ib. — he saw further into the difficulty than the rest of the Sacramentarians : how he endeavours to solve it, 380 — the examples which he drew from Scripture : that of Circumcision convicts instead of helping him, ib. — another example nothing to the purpose, viz. that the Church is called the body of Jesus Christ, 381 — he makes new efforts

INDEX. 413 to salve the notion of reality impressed by the Institution of Jesus Christ, 3S2 — how his doctrine is explained in the book entitled " Du Preservatif," &c. 383 — he would make one understand more than he really meant to say, 385 — a passage of Calvin's for a Real Presence independent of Faith, 3S6 — he rejects ceremonies, ib. — his pride and boastings, 388 — the difference between Calvin and Luther, ib. — how he bragged of his eloquence, 389 — he has as much violence and more acrimony than Luther, 390 — the contempt he passes on the Fathers, 391 — whether he has varied in his doctrine, 392 — why he was not in person at the Conference of Poissy, 396 — the instruction he sends to the Ministers during the Conference, 405 — what he says of the Confession of Augsburg, ib. — his special caution with regard to the tenth Article of the Augsburg Confession, 406 — Vide Vol. II.

Calvinists (The) give in to the Semipelagianism of the Lutherans, 352 — they have two tenets concerning children not conformable with their principles, 359 — the present Calvinists have abandoned the doctrine of Calvin about the Supper, 383 — they were more sensible that a miracle ought to be admitted in the Eucharist than they did indeed admit one, 378 — what opinion other Protestants had of the Calvinists, 387 — Variations in the Acts of Calvinists, 392 — they send a Confession of Faith into Germany, which is not consistent with the figurative sense, 393 — they send thither another Confession of Faith, in which they deliver themselves more strongly in favour of the Real Presence than the Lutherans themselves, 395 — they own all the Articles of the Augsburg Confession except the tenth, ib. — they depute the ablest men among them to the Conference of Poissy, 397 — there they present their Confession of Failh to Charles IX., 398 — their explanation of the Supper Article, full of intricate words, 399 — they refuse to sign the tenlh Article of the Augsburg Confession, 404 — which they receive throughout in all other points, but only out of policy, 405— how many different parts they at that time played with respect to the Confession of Augsburg:, ib.

Cawerarius, Melancthon's friend, does not approve the preparations for war made by the Princes of Germany, 140.

Capito, Minister of Strasburg, his confession of the insolence of his Reformed brethren, and the injury clone to the Church by their rejecting the Pope, 172,173.

Carlostadius attacks the reality, 53 — his character, ib. — the sense he gave to the words of the Institution, ib. — the origin of his contests with Luther, ib. — he pulls down images, and sets up communion under both kinds, 54 — he is driven from Wittemberg, 55 — he unites himself with the Anabaptists, 56 — he tumultuates the people of Orlemond, ib. — he drinks with Luther, and promises him to write against the Real Presence, 57 — he marries, 58 — he is reconciled to Luther, 70.

Catherine, Queen of England, divorced by Henry VIII. against all laws, 257, 261 — death of this Princess; a comparison between her and Anne Boleyn, 265 — she maintains to death the truth of her marriage and the dignity of a Queen, 266.

Catherine Howard, mistress to Henry VIII., 273 — this Prince first marries, then puts her to death, 274.

Catherine Medicis causes the Conference of Poissy to be held, 396.

Catholics (The), by the Confession of Sacramentarians themselves, understand the words of the Eucharistic Institution better than the Lutherans, 70 — even by the Confession of a whole Synod, 77 — their sense in this point is the most natural, 80 — they alone have a consist-

414 INDEX.

ent doctrine, 227 — they are justified by the divisions of the Protestants, 154 — the sentiment of Catholics on these words, " This is my body," 364 — and on these words, " Do this in remembrance of me," 365 — their reflections on the indeterminate and pompous expressions of the Calvinists concerning the subject of the Eucharist, 4 00.

Celibacy, despised by the pretended Reformers, 69 — three parts in four of the Ecclesiastics in England renounced it under Edward VI., 307.

Ceremonies of the Church confirmed by Henry VIII., King of England, 269 — rejected by Calvin, 303 and 386 — disputes among the Lutherans about Ceremonies, 328.

Certainty of Justification according to Luther, 24 — this certainty is the capital dogma of Luther, and the master- piece of the Reformation, 115 — the difficulty it labours under, ib. — what certainty is admitted in Justification by the Catholic Church, 117 — the difficulty with respect to the certainty of salvation in the opinion of the Lutherans, 352 — certainty of salvation taught by Calvin, 356 — difficulties attending the certainty of salvation, 359— Vide Vol. II.

Charles V. assembles the Diet of Augsburg in 1530, where the Confessions of Faith are presented to him, 89 — he causes the Confession of Augsburg to be refuted, 91 — he makes a defensive league with all the Catholic States against the Protestants, 137 — his victory over the Protestants, 322 — he causes the book of the Interim to be made, and is blamed for it at Rome, 323 — he makes a Conference be held at Worms in order to reconcile both Religions, 336.

Charles du Moulin, a famous Civilian ; what he says of a deliberation of the Faculty of Paris upon the divorce of Henry VIIL, 288.

Children of the Faithful born in grace, according to Calvin, 359 — difficulties of this doctrine, 360 — two tenets of Calvinists concerning Children not consistent with their principles, ib.

Church, authority of the Church rejected by Luther, 37 — what Melancthon says of the promises made to the Church, 183, 197 — the Lutherans, at the time of the Augsburg Confession, durst not reject the authority of the Church of Rome, 130, 133 — remarkable words of Luther confessing the true Church in the Romish Communion, 131 — perpetual assistance promised to the Church and confessed by Melancthon, 183, 197 — the authority of the Church absolutely necessary in matters of Faith, 196 — Melancthon owns it, ib. and 197 — all Protestants own it, and are forced to practise what they called tyranny, 343 — the dreadful consequences of the subversion of Church authority foreseen and experienced by Melancthon and the rest of the Reformers, 172, 183, 196— authority of the Church overthrown in the Reformation, 172 — sacrificed to the Secular Power, 173 — Calvin condemns, but cannot hinder it, 174 — the Church enslaved by the English Reformation and Cranmer Archbishop of Canterbury, 277 — the Dogma of Henry VIII. concerning the authority of the Church, 279 — a manifest contradiction in the English Doctrine upon the authority of the Church given to Kings, 280 — the consent of the whole Church can declare itself other ways than by General Councils, 292 — the Reformation founded on the ruin of Church authority, 295 — how the Church is the body of Jesus Christ, 381 — why Heretics are forced to imitate the language of the Church, 385 — that point, relating to the Church treated of in the Conference of Poissy, 397— Vide Vol. II.

Chythrceus (David), an Ubiquitarian, 339 — his hatred against Melanc-

thon, 342.

Clement V1L, his sentence against Henry VIIL, King of England, 262—

INDEX. 415 it appertains not to Faith to examine the conduct and proceedings of Clement VII., 282 — remarks upon the conformity of the sentiment of Protestants with the sentence of Clement VII., 235 — reasons for the decision of Clement VII., 287.

Communion under both kinds set up by Carlostadius, 54 — Luther holds Communion under both kinds for an indifferent thing, 55 — what the Lutherans say of it in the Apology of the Augsburg Confession, 132 — • what Luther says in excuse for the whole Church on the subject of Communion under one kind, 133 — by the Protestants' own confession, the question of the necessity of both kinds depends on the Real Presence, 275 — Vide Vol. II.

Concomitancy retained by Henry VIIL, King of England, 275 — established in the Wittemberg Confession of Faith, 331.

Concord, a brief account of the Book of Concord made by the Lutherans, 353.

Conference of Luther with the Devil, 148.

Confession, with the necessity of the numeration of sins retained by the Lutherans, 122 — and by the English, 275.

Confession of Faith, a remarkable one of the Elector Frederick III., 356 — the Confession of Faith of the French Calvinists compared with the agreement of Geneva, 392 — in 1557, it is sent to the assembly of Worms, 393 — another Confession of Faith of the French Calvinists, drawn in order to be sent to the Protestants, 395.

Confession of Faith of Augsburg, vide Augsburg.

Confession of Faith of Bucer, vide Bucer.

Confession of Faith of Calvin, vide Calvin.

Confession of Faith of Saxony, vide Saxony.

Confession of Faith of Strasburg, vide Strasburg.

Confession of Faith of Wirtemberg, vide Wirtemberg.

Confirmation, reduced in England to a bare Catechism, 303.

Confusion of new Sects, 334, 352.

Consubstantiation taught by Luther, with many variations, 50 — Vide Vol. II.

Contarenus, Cardinal Legate of the Pope at Ratisbon, 323— what he there says of the book of the Interim, ib.

Continency, perpetual, judged impossible by Luther, 45, 123.

Contrition, according to Luther, makes men greater hypocrites, 31.

Council. The body of the Lutherans, in the Confession of Augsburg, submit themselves to the judgment of a General Council, 134 — Vide Vol. II.

Cnuimer (Thomas) is the hero of Mr. Burnet's History, 255 — how he came into favour with Henry VIIL and Anne Boleyn, ib. — Cranmor sent to Rome on account of the divorce of the King of England, 258 — he conceals his belief, «6. — is there made the Pope'sPenitentiary ; he marries in private, though a priest, ib. — he is nominated Archbishop of Canterbury, and receives the Pope's Bulls, though a married man and a Lutheran, ib. — his consecration and his hypocrisy, 259 — a reflection on Cranmer's pretended moderation in accepting the Archbishopric of Canterbury, 2(i0 — Cranmer proceeds to the divorce, and in the sentence takes upon him the quality of Legate of the Holy See, 2C1 — his visitations made by the authority of the King are followed by a depredation of the goods of Monasteries, 265 — he annuls Henry VIIL' s and Anne Boleyn's marriage, 266 — he subscribes the articles of Henry VIIL, 271 — he confirms the Church's Faith which he condemned in his heart, 272 —the prostitution of Cranmer's conscience ; he breaks the marriage

416 INDEX.

with Anne of Cleves ; the magnificent terms of this unjust sentence, 274 — hypocrisy of Cranmer, who subscribes everything that is desired of him in point of religion, 275 — his behaviour with respect to the Six Articles of Henry VIII., 276 — Cranmer's shameful notions concerning the Ecclesiastical Authority which he sacrifices to the Crown, 277— his Doctrine about the Authority of the Church in time of persecution, 27S — Cranmer's flatteries, the cause of the Reformation in England, 281 — he is the first to subject himself to the shameful yoke which Edward VI. imposes on the Bishops, 295— he, with the Duke of Somerset, begins the Reformation in England, 299 — in his Reformation he inverts all order, 304 — he signs the Admiral's death, though condemned without a hearing, 308 — he spirits up rebellion against Queen Mary, 309 — he is deposed and cast into prison for treason and heresy, 309 — he is declared a heretic, and for what article, 310 — Cranmer's false answer before his Judges ; he is condemned pursuant to his own principles, ib. — whether it be true that he was no further compliant to Henry VIII. than his conscience permitted him, 312.

Cromwell (Thomas) made Vicar-General in spirituals by Henry VIII., 255 — in his visitation he enjoins every Priest to say Mass every day, 264 — he subscribes the decisions of Henry VIII., 271 — he confirms the Faith of the Church which he rejected in his heart, 272 — he is condemned to death as a heretic and a traitor, 273 — his hypocrisy, ib.

Cross, use of, retained in England, 270, 303.

Crucifix. Luther praises God for that the Crucifix is, by the Church of Rome, put into the hands of dying people, 132 — Luther's picture before his works represents him on his knees before a Crucifix, ib.

Czeno-er, a city in Poland; the Zuinglians there hold a Synod, where they declare that our Doctrine upon the Eucharist is more supportable than that of the Lutherans, 78.

D'Ailhj— Vide Ailly, D'.

Decision of the Prelates assembled at Poissy, who explain very plainly, and in few words, the whole Catholic Doctrine concerning the Eucharist, 402.

Depense {Claude), what this Doctor added to the expressions of the Ministers to make them more allowable, 401.

Diet of Augsburg — Vide Augsburg.

Difference between invented Doctrine, and Doctrine received by tradition, 80.

Discipline, Ecclesiastical, entirely despised by Protestants, 172.

Divisions among these pretended Gospellers, 53, 336 — they overthrow all the foundations of the Reformation, 85 — Vide Church Reformation.

Dominicans preferred to the Augustinians by Leo X., in publishing Indulgences, 23.

Drink ye all of this (text of), not so clear as Protestants imagine, 289.

Eckius, present at the Conference of Ratisbon ; there rejects the book of the Interim, 323.

Edward VI., son of Henry VIII., succeeds him, 294 — his guardian is a Zuins;lian, 295 — under him commissions revocable at will are given to the Bishops, ib. — he invades the whole Episcopal authority, ib. — he assumes an absolute authority over the word of God and preaching, 298 — he abrogates the Six Articles published by Henry VIII., 299 — how he was prejudiced from his childhood against Images, 305 — Zuinglianism takes deep root in England under Edward VI., 325.

INDEX. 417

Edward Seymour, guardian to Edward VI., 295 — undertakes the English Reformation, ib. — his pride, violence, and crimes, 308.

Elevation of the Eucharist taken away by Carlostadius, 53 — retained by Luther in despite of Carlostadius, 55, 125 — destroyed and judged at the same time irreprehensible by Luther, 213, 214, 223.

Elizabeth, daughter of Anne Boleyn, is declared illegitimate by Cranmer's sentence, 267.

England. Beginning of the pretended Reformation of England, 252 — the Reformation of England begun by Henry VIII., who was equally rejected by both sides, 254 — what instruments Henry VIIT. makes use of to set up the Reformation in England, 255 — all the Bishops subscribed Henry VIII.'s decisions, 271 — nothing is changed in England in the Missals and Office-books of the Church under Henry VIII., 276 — the true cause of the English Reformation, 281 — two points of Reformation in England, according to Mr. Burnet, how groundless, 288 — the Church of England acted by a schismatical principle, when she believed she might regulate her Faith independently of all the rest of the Church, 290 — whether the Church of⁴¹ England therein followed the ancient Church, ib. — whether she had reason to believe that it was too difficult a matter to consult the Faith of the whole Church, 291 — all kind of novelties creep into England in spite of all the severities of Henry VIIL, and why, 292 — they argued from false principles when they rejected the Pope's Supremacy in England, 293— the foundation of the English Reformation laid upon the ruin of Ecclesiastical authority, 295 — the Bishops of England have no share in matters of Religion, 297 — the Reformation begun in England by Peter Martyr and Bernardin Ochin, 299 — the Reformers in England repent themselves of having said, that in the Reformation of the Liturgy they had acted with the assistance of the Holy Ghost, 300 — England discards the Mass which she had heard from her first conversion to Christianity, 301 — England vindicates us in the observance of the festivals of Saints and abstinence from flesh, 303 — three parts in four of the English Clergy renounce celibacy under Edward VI., 307 — Zuinglianism strengthens itself in England under Edward VI., 299— Vide Vol. II.

Equivocations in matters of Faith, agreeable to the spirit of the new Reformation, 154 — equivocations of the Sacramentarians with relation to the Eucharist, 143, 151 — of the Calvinists upon the same subject, 399 — Peter Martyr's sentiments concerning these equivocations, 401.

Erasmus objects to Luther the unanimous consent of the Fathers in behalf of Free-will, 44 — what he says of the fierce and threatening air of the new Protestants, 47 — Erasmus's letter to Melancthon upon Luther's passionate transports, 52 — dispute between Erasmus and Luther about Free-will, 61 — what he writes concerning (Ecolampadius and marriage of these Reformers, 69 — what he says to Protestants about their disputes of the true sense of Scripture, 85— Erasmus's testimony concerning the disordinate behaviour of the pretended Reformists, 177.

Eucharist, what Luther thought of it, 48 — what was always the Church's Faith concerning it, 49 — how the names of Bread and Wine may be applied to the Eucharist after Consecration, two rules taken from Scripture, 81 — why the word Substance is made use of in the Eucharist, 100 — how the oblation of the Eucharist is profitable to the whole world, 126 — equivocations of the Sacramentarians upon the Eucharist, 143 — how the Presence of the Body of Jesus Christ in the Eucharist is spiritual, ib. — whether a local Presence be to be admitted in the VOL. I. 2 E

418 INDEX.

Eucharist, 144 — how the Eucharist is a Sign, 145 — whether the Presence of the Body of Jesus Christ be durable in the Eucharist, 156 — Doctrine of the Catholic Church about the Eucharist confirmed by Henry VIII., 269, 275 — refinement of Calvin upon the Eucharist, 362 — sentiment of the Catholic Church upon the Eucharist, 364 — how the enjoyment of the Body of Jesus Christ is perpetual and permanent in the Eucharist, 366 — what must be done to communicate worthily, ib. — we must be united to the Body of Jesus Christ more than by virtue and thought, 368— according to Calvin's expression, the true Body of Jesus Christ must be in the Eucharist, ib. — the subject of the Eucharist debated in the Conference of Poissy, 397 — the decisions of the Bishops on this head, 402 — Vide Real Presence, Vol. II.

Faith. According to Luther, one is assured of his Faith without being assured of his repentance, 24 — Special Faith, according to Luther, its difficulties, 24 — which are not removed in the Confession of Augsburg, 115 — what Faith does in the Mystery of the Eucharist, 369 — what it does there, according to Calvin, 368 — Vide Certainty, vide Vol. II.

Farel is deputed from the Reformed Churches of France, to the assembly of Worms and Geneva, 393.

Fathers (Holy), they pretend to follow them in the Reformation, 113, 130 — in the main they despise them, 44, 130 — the holy Fathers despised by Calvin, 391 — they forced respect from Protestants in spite of their teeth, ib. — Vide Luther, vide Vol. II.

Festivals of Saints retained in England, 303.

Figure. The puzzling and contradictions of Calvin in the defence of the figurative sense, 379 — the Calvinists send into Germany a Confession of Faith not agreeable to the figurative sense, 393.

Fisher, Bishop of Rochester, is condemned to death for not acknowledging the King for Head of the Church, 262.

Flesh. Calvin explains as we do this passage, — " The Flesh profiteth nothing," 376.

Fox, Bishop of Hereford ; his dissimulation, 276.

France. Beginning of the troubles of France, 354.

Francis (St.), numbered amongst the Saints by Luther, 124.

Francis J. What Mr. Burnet imputes to this Prince was never before heard of, 314.

Frankfort. Assembly of the Lutherans at Frankfort, and how they there explain the Eucharist, 339.

Fra- Paolo, an imposition of Mr. Burnet's concerning Fra- Paolo, 314.

Frederick, Elector Palatine, retains both the Confession of Augsburg and the Doctrine of Zuinglius together, 344.

Frederick III., Elector Palatine ; this Prince's remarkable Confession of Faith, 356 — his dissimulation with regard 1o the Confession of Augsburg, 406.

Free-will. Luther writes against Free-will, 61 — Luther's Doctrine against Free-will retracted in the Augsburg Confession, 102 — Melancthon's Doctrine concerning the co-operation of Free-will, 332 — the Lutherans' Doctrine concerning Free-will contradicts itself, 334s— decision of the Lutherans about the co-operation of Free-will, 346 — the will free to retain or reject Grace, a Doctrine confessed by Melancthon, but condemned by his brethren, 333. Fulfilling of the law owned in the Apology of the Augsburg Confession in the same sense as in the Church, 109 — and in the Confession of Strasburg, 117.

INDEX. 419

Gardiner, Bishop of Winchester, imprisoned by the orders of Cranmer,

Archbishop of Canterbury, 301. Geneva. Calvin makes an agreement with those of Geneva, 361 — Compared with the Catechism and Confession of France, 392 — Calvin rules

Geneva, 397. George, Duke of Saxony, shamefully treated by Luther, 86 — he is an enemy to the Lutherans, ib. Gerard (John Andrew), a Lutheran doctor ; in what manner he explains the certainty of Salvation taught by his party, 353. Germany, set all in a flame by Luther's writings, 5G — the Lutherans by a great armament make all Germany tremble, 86 — all Germany in arms at a writing of Luther's, 138. Gerson, Chancellor of the University of Paris, his opinion about the

Reformation of the Church, 19, 21 — he is praised by Luther, 124 — he is cited to a wrong sense by Mr. Burnet, 316. God the author of all crimes, according to Luther's Doctrine, 62 — Vide

Vol. II. — strange Doctrine of the Lutherans concerning the love of

God, 1 1 9. Goods, of Monasteries, pillaged in England, 265 — the goods of the Church sold at a low price in England, 272 — the goods of the Church exposed to the plunder of the Laity under Edward VI., 307. Grace. Grace once received can never be lost, according to Calvin, 357 — difficulties of this Doctrine, 360. Gregory (St.), Pope, under whom the English were converted, had no other sentiments than we have of the authority of the Holy See, 293. Grojiper. By the advice of the learned Gropper, Herman, Archbishop of

Cologne, holds very holy councils, 321 — he is present at the Conference of Ratisbon, 323.

Helding, titular Bishop of Sidon, present at the Conference of Ratisbon, and there revises the book of the Interim, 325.

Henry II., King of France, did his utmost to depress the Calvinists, 393.

Henry VIII., King of England, is basely handled by Luther, 51, 62 — he reproaches Luther with his scandalous marriage and errors, ib. — he is for marrying a second wife, the first still living, his ceremonies, 253, 268, 283, &c. — what was the Faith of this Prince, 255 — he assumes the title of supreme head of the Church of England, ib. — what were the instruments he made use of in his Reformation, ib. — he marries Anne Boieyn, 261 — he becomes enraged against the Holy See, 262 — he puts to death Thomas More, and Fisher, Bishop of Rochester, ib. — the remarkable date of his cruelties, ib. — all England takes the oath " of Supremacy, 264 — he appropriates to himself the goods of Monasteries, 265 — he puts Anne Boieyn to death in favour of Jane Seymour, 26S — he confirms the Doctrine of the Church with regard to Penance, 269 — the Eucharist and Images, ib. — and invocation of Saints and Ceremonies, 270 — and Purgatory and Masses for the dead, ib. — by his own authority he pronounces on matters of Faith, 271 — he confirms anew the Faith of the Church, 272 — he marries Anne of Cleves ; falls in love with Catherine Howard, and executes Cromwell, ib. — he repudiates Anne of Cleves, 274 — he marries Catherine Howard and puts her to death, 274, 275 — he confirms again the Faith of the Church, 275 — he makes all Ecclesiastical power proceed from the Crown, 277 — his vices the beginning of the English Reformation, 281 — exanien of his first marriage, and the frivolous pretexts with which he covered his passion, 283 — he bribes some Catholic Doctors, 285 — what judgment

420 INDEX.

ought to be passed on the pretended consultation of the faculty of Paris concerning Henry's divorce, 286 — testimony of the Civilian Charles du Moulin, ib. — in what manner he allows the people to read the Scripture, 288 — he will have the Church of every country regulate her Faith independently of all other Churches, 290 — his death, 253, 294 — a total change in England after his death, ib.

Heretics. Why Heretics are forced to mimic the language of the Church, 385.

Herman, Archbishop of Cologne, calls the Protestants into his Diocese ; his extreme ignorance, 321.

Heshusius, a Lutheran Minister, sadly abused by Calvin on the subject of the Eucharist, 378.

Humility, apparent, of Luther, 32.

Huss (John), inspires the people with a hatred of the Clergy, 22 — his Doctrine is approved by Luther, 36 — Vide Vol. II.

Jane Seymour is beloved by Henry VIIL, who marries her, 266 — her death, 273.

Jealousy of Luther against the Dominicans, 23, 124.

Jena, Synod of Jena, where the Lutherans condemn the Zuinglians, 342.

Illyricus (Flaccus), his jealousy, and his hidden designs against Melancthon, 329 — he condemns Melancthon's Doctrine about Free-will, 334. , Images, pulled clown by Carlostadius, 54 — Luther's opinion concerning Images, 72 — Calumnies of the Protestants with respect to the honour we shew Images, ib., 129 — Luther praises God for that the Church of Rome preserves the Images of the Crucifix, 132 — the Doctrine of the Church concerning Images confirmed by Henry VIIL, King of England, 269, 275 — artifices employed to excite young Edward VI. against the Church's Doctrine with relation to Images, 305 — Vide Vol. II.

Impanation, set up by some Lutherans, and rejected by Luther, 50.

Imputation, imputed justice — Vide Justification.

Indulgences, attacked by Luther, 23 — the Indulgence that Luther preached, 31.

Interim (Book of the), made by order of Charles V., and why, 322 — this Book never approved by the Church, 323 — the last hand put to it ; the little success it was attended with, 324.

Invocation. Calumny of the Lutherans concerning Invocation of Saints, 129 — Invocation of Saints confirmed by Henry VIIL, 269, 275— Vide Vol. II.

Islebius, a Protestant present at the Conference of Ratisbon, 325.

Julian. What Cardinal Julian writes to EugeniusIV. concerning the Reformation of the Clergy's manners, 19.

Julius II. gives to Henry VIIL, King of England, a dispensation to marry the widow of his brother Arthur, 282 — the dispensation of Julius II. attacked by reasons of fact and right, 283 — the Protestants of Germany favourable to the dispensation of Julius II., 284.

Justification, by imputation, is the ground-work of Luther's Reformation, 23 — no difficulty about Justification since what has been said concerning it in the Confession of Augsburg, 102 — and that of Saxony, 335 — calumnies fixed on Catholics about Justification, 103 — Justification, Regeneration, Renovation, are all in substance the same Grace, 112 — how Luther defines Justification or justifying Faith, 113 — the uncertainty of Justification which Catholics own, hinders not the repose of conscience, 116 — what is in Justification the true repose of conscience, and what certainty is there received, 117 — what is the Doctrine of

INDEX. 421

Justification according to the Catholic Church, ib. — error of Lutheran Justification, that one is assured of his Justification and not of his Conversion, 24, 112 — the pernicious effects of this Doctrine, and how much it encourages negligence and laxity, 171, 19C, 197— another error, 121 — Osiander's Doctrine on Justification, 326 — to Luther's Justification Calvin adds the certainty of Salvation, 35G — he teaches that Justification cannot be lost, 357 — difficulty resulting from this Doctrine, 359 — Vide Luther, vide Melancthon, vide Vol. II.

Koningsberg. The University of Koningsberg disturbed by the new Doctrine of Osiander on Justification, 328 — some Divines of Koningsberg oppose this Doctrine with great vigour, 338 — they are astonished at the weakness of the Lutheran Party, ib. — one of them perceiving the Protestant Churches quite void of authority is converted, 339.

Landgrave of Hesse, takes up arms to maintain Luther's new Gospel, and owns he is in the wrong, 85 — he strives in vain to reconcile both Parties of Protestants, 87 — he makes a treaty with the people of Basil, Zurich, and Strasburg, 137 — he sends Bucer to have an interview with Luther and Zuinglius, ib. — his scandalous incontinency, and what remedy the Reformation applied to it, 203 — important Records of this matter printed by order of the Elector Charles Lewis Count Palatine, 204 — he asks of Luther and the other heads of the Party to grant him leave to marry a second wife, the first still living, 205 — he promises to Luther the goods of Monastei'ies if they favour his petition, 206 — if they refuse him, he purposes to have recourse to the Emperor, and even the Pope himself, 207 — he obtains leave to marry another wife, 208 — his second marriage is performed in secret, 210 — the contract passed between the parties, ib. — his answer to the young Duke of Brunswick relating to this marriage, 211 — he obliges Luther to suppress the Elevation of the Blessed Sacrament in the Mass, 212 — records appertaining to the Landgrave's second-marriage, 231, &c. ; he is defeated by the Emperor, 322.

Latin. The Latin song preserved in the Lutheran Mass, 125.

Leagues. Protestant leagues condemned at first by Luther and Melancthon, afterwards approved by both of them, 138, 139, 199, 321 — odious to Melancthon and all honest men of the Party, 199 — made with evil designs which create a horror in Melancthon, 200 — Vide War.

Legislature (The) make themselves Pope in the new Reformation, 1 74 — - Calvin condemns the Doctrine which makes the Church dependent on the Legislature, ib.

Lent retained in England, 303.

Leo X. causes Indulgences to be published, and Luther opposes them, 30 — he makes Luther's writings be burnt, 37.

Liturgy, reformed by Parliament in England, 300 — all the remains of antiquity which were at first preserved in the English liturgy are defaced, 301.

Louvain. Luther's passion against the Doctors of Louvain, 228.

Luther, the false motives of his pretended Reformation, 20, &c. — he makes the Reformation depend on the destruction of the Papacy, 21 — his character and qualities, 22 — the ground-work of his Reformation ; what he means by his " imputed Justice and Justification by Faith," 23 — what is by him called special Faith, 24 — according to him, one is assured of his Justification without being assured of his Repentance, 26 — he maintains that all the sins of the just are mortal, ib, — the

422 INDEX.

difficulty which this Doctrine labours under, 26 — he blames security, 27 — this Doctrine inexplicable 28 — his answer by distinction of two kinds of sins, 29 — contradiction of his Doctrine on Justification, ib. — sequel of Luther's contradictions, ib. — he spoke better at. the beginning of the dispute, 30 — his strange Doctrine about the War against the Turk, 31 — his apparent humility and his submission to the Pope, 32 — reasons he grounds this submission upon, ib. — his transports of passion, for which he asks pardon, 33 — he offers silence to Leo X. and Charles V. ib. — he will not hear of recanting, 34— he is condemned by Leo X., and flies into horrible excesses, 35 — his rage against the Pope and Princes that abet him, ib. — out of spite he approves John Huss's Doctrine, 36 — he makes the Decretals be burnt, 37 — the difficulty he had in rejecting the authority of the Church, and how he glories when he had compassed it, ib. — Luther's letter to the Bishops ; his pretended extraordinary mission, 38 — he presumes to make a Bishop, 39 — his arguments against the xinabaptists who preached without mission and miracles, ib. — what sort of miracles he pretends to authorize his mission by, 41 — what he writes to his Father upon his quitting the Monastery, ib. — he acts the Prophet, and promises to destroy the Pope without suffering arms to be employed, 42 — his boasts, and the contempt he passes on all the Fathers, 44 — he writes against Free-will, ib. — he blames continency though commanded by all the Fathers, 45 — his buffooneries and extravagances, ib. — seditions and violence are the first fruit of Luther's preaching, 46— his book " of the Captivity of Babylon;" his sentiments on the Eucharist, and the desire he has to undermine the Reality, 48 — he attacks Transubstantiation, 49 — his gross manner of explaining the Reality, ib. — his Variations upon Transubstantiation; his unheard-of method of deciding in points of Faith, 50 — he does not relish Impanation, ib, — his impotent rage against Henry VIII., 51 — he is attacked by Carlostadius, 53 — the origin of his contests with Carlostadius, ib. — his pride ; he upbraids Carlostadius that he acts without mission, 54 — Luther's sermon wherein he threatens to recant and set up the Mass again ; his extravagance in boasting his power, ib. — he decides out of spite in the most important matters, 55 — how war was declared betwixt him and Carlostadius, ib. — his Book of Christian Liberty spirits the people up to rebellion, 56 — he is sent to Orlemond to pacify the people tumultuated by Carlostadius, 57 — at his entry into it he is pelted with stones, ib. — drinking with Carlostadius at an inn, he bids him defiance to write against him, ib. — the share he had in the revolt of the Peasants of Germany, ib. — he marries a Nun, 58— great diminution of his authority, 60 — his dispute with Erasmus about Free-will, 61 — his blasphemies in his treatise of Will enslaved, ib. — he makes God the author of all crimes, 62 — new transports of passion against Henry VIII., ib. — he brags of his pride, 63 — he does not spare Zuinglius upon what he had said of the Salvation of Heathens, 64 — he writes against the Sacramentarians, and treats Zuinglius worse than all the rest, 72 — the words of a famous Lutheran upon Lather's jealousy against Zuinglius, 73 — Luther's strong arguments for the Real Presence, and then his boasting of them, ib. — what he answered to this objection of the Sacramentarians, " the flesh profiteth nothing," 74 — he refutes their other objections, 75 — he will have neither peace nor union with them, ib. — the Zuinglians prove to him that the Catholics understand the literal sense better than he, 76 — how Luther overthrew his own Doctrine about Cons instantiation without thinking of it, ib. — he did not understand the force of these words, "This is my Body," 78

INDEX. 423

— the Sacramentarians prove to him that he admits a kind of figure, 79 — Luther affrighted at these disputes, 83 — he teaches Ubiquity, ib. — he declares anew that it matters little whether the Substance of Bread be admitted, or taken away, 84 — he abuses George, Duke of Saxony, after a vile manner, 86 — he is present at the Conference of Marpurg, and the only man that speaks of his whole Party, 87 — he will not there unite himself to the Zuinglians, 88 — his Doctrine about Free-will retracted in the Confession of Augsburg, 102 — how he defines justifying Faith, 113 — he rejects the Epistle of St. James, 123 — he admits St. Bernard, St. Francis, St. Bonaventure into the list of Saints ; his odd doubt of the Salvation of St. Thomas of Aquine, 124 — he confesses the true Church in the Romish Communion, 131 — his picture at the beginning of his works represents him on his knees before a Crucifix, 132 — what he says in excuse for the whole Church with relation to Communion under one kind, 133 — he warrants the Protestants' resolution of taking up arms, 137 — he calls the Sacramentarians " a double-tongued faction," 142 — the Zuinglians complain of his insolence and inhumanity, and at the same time call him a great servant of God, 147 — his Conference with the Devil, 148 — he is deceived by Bucer, 153 — his opinion concerning the durable Presence of the Body of Jesus Christ in the Eucharist, 156 — he celebrates the Supper together with the Sacramentarians in token of peace, 157 — he makes a new declaration of this Faith in the Smalcaldic articles, 163 — he explains the words of the institution after a new manner, 164 — he cannot evade the equivocations of the Sacramentarians, who elude everything, 165 — his fury against the Pope in the Articles of Smalcald, 166— he receives his mission from the Prince to make his Ecclesiastical visitation, 1 74 — his insupportable tyranny, 179 — Calvin grieves at it in vain, 180 — he allows the Landgrave to have two wives at once, 204, &c. — his dogmatical advice on Polygamy, 208 — his answer upon the second marriage of the Landgrave, and his scandalous sermon about marriage, 211, 212 — he suppresses the Elevation of the Holy Sacrament in the Mass, 212 — yet without disapproving of it, 220,224 — his old jealousy against Zuinglius and his disciples is awakened, 214 — he will not suffer the Sacramentarians to be prayed for, and believes them inevitably damned, 215 — he has always the Devil in his mouth ; his scandalous Prayer, in which he says he has never offended the Devil, 216, &c. — his blind hatred to the Oblation and Canon of the Mass, 218 — he retains the Real and permanent Presence subsisting out of the use of the Sacrament, 220 — remarkable letters of Luther in behalf of the permanent Presence, 223, &c. — his Doctrine about the Eucharist changed immediately after his death by the Divines of Wittemberg, 226 — towards the end of his days he is more furious than ever ; his passion against the Doctors of Louvain, 228 — his last sentiments concerning the Zuinglians, ib. — his death, 229 — a new piece produced by Mr. Burnet, about Luther's sentiment touching a reconciliation with the Zuinglians, ib. — Luther's consultation about Polygamy, 208, &c. — Luther's Theses to stir up the Lutherans to rise in arms, 321 — what he says of the Pope, whom he compares to a mad wolf, ib. — the difference between Luther and Calvin, 388 — Luther less bitter than Calvin, 389. Lutherans (the) take up arms under the conduct of the Landgrave, 85 — they unite under the name of Protestants, 87 — what they say in the book of Concord about the tenth Article of the Augsburg Confession, 92 — the Lutherans' shifts in defence of their Variations, 95 — in their Doctrine, the Sacraments operate ex opere operato, 104 — they believe

INDEX.

Infant Baptism necessary to Salvation, 114 — their Variations in what they have retrenched from the Confession of Augsburg, 1 08 — the Lutherans agree that Justification, Regeneration, and Sanctification, are confounded by Luther and Melancthon, 112 — according to the Lutheran principles, the uncertainty of Justification acknowledged by Catholics ought to cause no trouble of conscience, 116 — they acknowledge the Sacrament of Penance and Sacramental Absolution, 121 — what they say of the Mass in the Augsburg Confession and Apology, 124 — they cut off the Oblation of the proposed gifts, 125 — what they have invented in order to render this Oblation odious, 126 — what they say of Prayer for the Dead, and Aerius who rejected it, 127 — their calumnies about invocating Saints, and concerning Images, 129 — they dare not reject the authority of the Church of Rome, 130 — the body of the Lutherans submit themselves to the general Council called by the Pope, 134 — Melancthon's description of the Lutheran Churches, 182 — the Lutherans are favourable to the dispensation of Julius II. and to the first marriage of Henry VIII., 284 — their odd decision in this matter, 285 — their dispute relating to Ceremonies, ib. — their Doctrine about Free-will self-contradictory, 334 — their division in the Assembly at Worms, 336 — they all with one voice condemn the necessity of good works for Salvation, 337 — their divisions break forth, ib. — at Frankfort they make a new formulary to explicate the Eucharist, 339 — they condemn the Zuinglians at the Synod of Jena, 342 — they meet at Naumburg, in order to agree about the Confession of Augsburg, 343 — they set up Ubiquity, 345 — their design in setting up Ubiquity, 346 — two remarkable decisions of the Lutherans on the co-operation of Freewill, ib. — the perplexity and contradiction of the Lutheran Doctrine, 347 — how they answer to the objections of Libertines, and to the difficulties of weak Christians, upon the co-operation of Free-will, 349 — their resolution is clearly Demi- Pelagian ; a proof of the Demi-Pelagianism of the Lutherans, 351— the Lutherans scurrilously used by Calvin, 390— Vide Vol II.

Mantlets. No reformation of Manners in the Protestant Churches, 177, 200 — Vide Reformation.

Marpurg. Conference of Marpurg, what passed at it, 87.

Marriage. Those of the Augsburg Confession acknowledge in marriage a divine institution and promises, 123 — Luther's marriage, 58 — Carlostadius's marriage, ib. — CEcolampadius's marriage,69 — Bucer's marriage, 90 — Erasmus's sentiments on these scandalous marriages, 69 — Luther's scandalous sermon upon marriage, 21 1, 212 — Thomas Cranmer's marriage, 258 — the Landgrave's second marriage — Vide Landgrave of Hesse.

Mary, daughter of Henry VIII. ; they rebel against her in England, 309 — she restores Catholic religion and makes Cranmer be condemned, ib.

Mass. Low Masses abolished by Carlostadius, 54 — Luther threatens his Disciples with re-establishing the Mass, ib. — the Mass abolished at Zurich, 71 — the Lutheran Mass, 124 — Mass without communicants, 128 — in what sense it is believed by Catholics that the Mass is profitable to the whole world, 127 — Luther's treatise for abolishing the Mass, 131 — in what sense we offer in the Mass for the Redemption of mankind, 219 — the whole Mass is included in the sole Real Presence, ib., 226, 227 — what Melancthon does in order to destroy the Mass, 220 — Mass for the Dead retained in England by Henry V1IL, 270 — Mass abrogated in England under Edward VL, 301 — the Gallican Mass and the rest are in substance the same with that of Rome, 302 — the Prayer

INDEX. 425 begging the change of Bread into the Body, 301, &c. — what is the sense of this Prayer, ^.—retained and afterwards taken away under Edward VI., ib. — Canon of the Mass ; what it is that Luther blames therein, 218 — Vide Oblation.

Mediation of Jesus Christ always necessary, 111.

Melancthon looks on Luther as an extraordinary man, 44 — he owns that Luther had allowed Transubstantiation to certain Churches in Italy, 51 — what he says of Carlostadius, 53 — what he writes to Camerarius concerning Luther's marriage, 59 — his anxiety on Luther's account, 60 — he bewails the passionate" transports of Luther, 61 — in regard to the Doctrine of Free-will he is more moderate than Luther, 62 — he laments the condition which the world was brought to by the disputes about the Eucharist, 83 — he is scandalized at Luther's Doctrine relating to the Eucharist, 84 — the quandary he is in how to excuse the Landgrave who had taken up arms to maintain Luther's Reformation, S6 — he is present at the Conference of Marpurg, 87 — he draws up the Confession of Augsburg, 90 — he makes the Apology of it, 91 — how he there transcribes the Tenth Article of the Augsburg Confession relating to the Supper, ib. — he is careful to express in the Apology the literal sense of the words of Institution, 92 — he knows not his own meaning, when in the Apology he denies that good works merit life everlasting, 107 — remarkable words of Melancthon on the alterations he has a mind should be made in the Confession of Augsburg, 135 — his trouble about the new designs of war, which were approved by Luther, 138 — he wavers on this head; what he writes to Camerarius concerning it, 139 — what he says of the Sacramentarians' Doctrine about the Eucharist, 142 — his notion of equivocations in matters of Faith, 155 — he begins to doubt of Luther's Doctrine; his unskilfulness in divinity, 160 — Ratramnus's book puzzles him, 161 — he wishes for a new decision about the Eucharist, 163 — he is for owning the Pope's authority, 166 — how he was drawn over to Luther, 168 — how he excuses Luther's passion, 170 — the beginning of his perplexities, 171 — how he owns that Luther's great success was owing to bad principles, ib. — he foresees the disorders that would result from the contempt of Episcopal Authority, 172 — he complains that discipline was quite ruined among the Lutheran Churches, ib.— he bewails the licentiousness of the Party who decided points of Religion at table, 176 — tyrannized over by Luther; he thinks of retiring, 180 — he is put to a plunge; his whole life long he is in search after his religion, 181, 183 — what tenets he looked upon ill-explained, 185 — at the very time he thinks of reforming the Confession of Augsburg he declares he stands by it, 186 — his sentiments about the necessity of owning the Pope and Bishops, 188 — at the Assembly of Smalcald he is of opinion that the Council called by the Pope should be acknowledged, 189 — reasons for the restriction he made to his subscription of the articles of Smalcald, 191— Melancthon' s remarkable words concerning the authority of the Church, 192 — he cannot divest himself of the opinion of imputed justice whatever grace God bestows to reclaim him ; two truths by him confessed, ib. — he foresees the dreadful consequences of the subversion of Church Authority, 1 95 — the grounds of his errors ; he alleges the promises made to the Church, and does not sufficiently trust in them, 197 — he writes to Camerarius that the Protestant Princes and Doctors are equally insupportable, 1 99 — the prodigies, the prophecies, and the horoscopes which affright him, 200 — his Dogmatical advice concerning Polygamy, 208 — he labours to render the Real Presence momentaneous, and to place it solely in the actual

426 INDEX.

use thereof, 217 — no other means does he find of destroying the Mass than by denying the permanent Presence ; his reasons, 220— his dissembling with Luther on this subject, 223 — he is present at the Conference of Ratisbon, 323 — his opinion concerning Osiander, 327 — he is against rejecting Ceremonies, 328 — he strives to undermine Luther's doctrine about (he Real Presence, 329 — he draws up the Saxonic Confession of Faith, ib. — he there explains the article of the Eucharist differently from that of Augsburg, 330 — he changes his opinion concerning the Will of God, with respect to sin, 332 — his Doctrine on the co-operation of Free-will, ib. — his Doctrine on Free-will condemned by his Brethren, 333 — he owns the distinction between venial and mortal sins, 335 — he complains of the Decisions which the Doctors of the Party made against him at their drinking bouts, 33G — he declares, with the rest of the Lutherans, that good works are not necessary for Salvation, 337 — the question of Ubiquity makes him incline towards the. Sacramentarians, 339 — whether Melancthon was a Calvinist with respect to the Eucharist, 340 — Melancthon' s deplorable condition, and his death, 342.

Merit. The Church traduced by the Lutherans upon the merit of good works, 105 — the merit of good works asserted in the Confession of Augsburg and Apology, 106 — there is something in life everlasting, which falls not under merit, 108 — merit of Condignity, 110 — merit of Congruity, ib. — how the merits of Jesus Christ are ours, and how imputed to us, 112— of merit according to Bucer, 118 — the merits of Saints are profitable to us by Bucer's Confession, 119 — the merit of good works retained by the English under Henry VIII., 275 — and owned in the Confession of Wirtemberg, 336 — in 1557 received by the Calvinists of France, 395 — Vide Vol. II.

Miracle. Luther requires of the Anabaptists that they should warrant their pretended mission by Miracles, 39 — the miracles Luther boasts of, 41 — the Zuinglians will not bear the mention of any miracle in the Eucharist, 158 — Calvin confesses a miraculous presence of the Body of Jesus Christ in the Eucharist, 370 — he shifts off the miracle which he admits in the Supper, 377 — what is the miracle of the Eucharist according to the Fathers, ib. — the Calvinists were, more sensible of the necessity of admitting a miracle in the Eucharist than they did in fact admit one, 378.

Mission. Luther pretends his mission was extraordinary, 38 — he confesses the necessity of mission, 40, 54 — he receives his mission from the Prince, in order to make his Ecclesiastical visitation, 174.

Monastery. Pillaging of Monasteries under Henry VIII., 265.

Monks. Monks reckoned among the Saints in the Apology of the Augsburg Confession, 113.

Montluc, Bishop of Valence ; what Mr. Burnet says of him, 256 — he is present at the Conference of Poissy, 396 — he endeavours to find out some ambiguous formulary for the Supper, 399 — his empty discourses on the Reformation of manners, 436 — his private marriage, ib.

More, Thomas, Lord Chancellor of England, is condemned to death for not owning the King supreme head of the Church, 262.

Muncer, Father of the Anabaptists, preaches without mission, 40 — Luther condemned him on this head only, ib.

Mystery. Equivocations of the Sacramentarians on this word, 145 — all the mysteries of Jesus Christ are signs in some respects, 146.

Naumburg, assembly of the Lutherans at, and what passed there, 343.

INDEX.

Oblation of the Eucharist cut off from the Lutheran Mass, 125— what was invented in order to render this Oblation odious, 126 — how the Oblation of the Eucharist is profitable to the whole world, 127— it is a necessary consequence from the Real Presence ; the Lutherans themselves own as much, 219, 220, 226— it is suppressed in England under Edward VI., upon a false pretence, 301, 305— Vide Mass.

GEcolampadius takes up the defence of Carlostadius, 63— his character, GS — what, Erasmus says of his marriage, and the rest of his behaviour, 69— he writes against the Real Presence, ib. — his death, 141 — he had admonished Bucer, that there was nothing but trick in his equivocations, 147.

Operation, ex opere operato, ill-understood by Protestants, 111, 127, 128 — it is admitted by them, 104.

Ordination of Pastors still preserved in the Church of Rome by Luther's own Confession, 132— ordination of Bishops and Priests regulated by the Parliament in England, 296.

Origin of the contests between Luther and Carlostadius, 53.

Orlemonde, a town in Thuringia, where Carlostadius takes shelter, 55 — he there raises great disturbances, and drinking with Luther, declares war against him, 57.

Ornaments preserved in the Lutheran Mass, 125— and in England, 303.

Osiander renews the Doctrine of impanation, 50— he is present at the Conference of Marpurg, 87 — his sister marries Thomas Cranmer, 258 — Osiander's character and his Doctrine about Justification, 32C— the profane spirit of Osiander observed by Calvin, 327 — the notions that Protestants had of Osiander, ib. — he keeps within no bounds, 328 — his Doctrine on Justification is spared at the Conference of Worms, 337 — his triumph in Prussia, 338.

Paris. The pretended consultation of the Paris faculty of Divinity concerning the divorce of Henry VIIL, 286.

Paschasius Radbertus, 162.

Peasants rebel in Germany, instigated by Luther's Doctrine, 57, 13'J.

Penance. The Lutherans acknowledge the Sacrament of Penance and Sacramental Absolution, 121— Henry VIIL confirms the Church's Faith of the Sacrament of Penance, 275.

Peter D'Ailly. The sentiments of Cardinal Peter D'Ailly, Bishop of Cambray, on the Reformation of the Church, 19 and 21.

Peter Martyr is called into England to begin the Reformation there. His Doctrine on the Eucharist, 299 — his opinion of the equivocations of the rest of the Ministers, 401.

Piercy, Lord, Anne Boleyn falsely declares that she was married to him before she was wedded to Henry VIIL, 266 — what the engagement which Lord Piercy had with Anne Boleyn, ib.

Pistorius, a famous Protestant, present with Bucer and Melancthon at the Conference of Ratisbon, 323.

Poissy, Conference of Poissy, 39G — how undertaken, ib. — matters handled in this Conference, and its opening, 397 — all there in commotion at what Beza advanced against the Real Presence, 3.18.

Polygamy, warranted by Luther and the other heads of the party, 208 — the Landgrave's instruction, and the dogmatical advice of Luther and the other heads of the Party upon polygamy, ib. 211, 231 .

Pope. Luther's submission to the Pope, 32 — Luther's passionate transports against the Pope, 166— Melancthon is for owning the Pope's authority, 166, &c. 189— the evils that resulted from rejecting it, 172

428 INDEX.

— owned by Capito, ] 73 — the Pope's Supremacy rejected in England on false principles, 293 — VideVol. II.

Prayer, Bucer undertakes the defence of the Church's prayers, 119 — prayer and oblation for the dead, what is said of them by the Lutherans, 126 — the calumnies on the prayers we address to Saints, 129 — Luther's scandalous prayer, in which he says he had never offended the Devil, 216 — prayer for the dead confirmed by Henry VIII., 270, 275 — retained for a while, and then abrogated under Edward VI., 302 — public prayers reformed in England by the Parliament, 300 — prayers for the dead received in the Confession of Augsburg, and by the Calvinists in 1557, 395.

Presence of the body of Jesus Christ in the Eucharist, on what grounded, 53, 71, 84 — inseparable fromTransubstantiation, 77, 78 — it raises horror in Zuinglius, 99 — whether it be gross and carnal, 100, 144, 145, 161 — Ileal Presence the foundation of spiritual union, 97 — if the Presence of the body be no more than spiritual, the words of the institution are in vain, 144 — they have a difficulty in rejecting the Real Presence, 97 — how spiritual, 143 — whether a local presence of the body of Jesus Christ in the Eucharist ought to be admitted, 144 — whether the presence of the body of Jesus Christ be durable in the Eucharist, 156 — the real permanent presence, and subsisting when not in use, retained by Luther, ib. 220, 222 — the Real Presence owned in the Greek Church by Mr. Burnet's Confession, 300 — the Real Presence believed by the English in 1548, 304 — absolutely rejected, 301, 305 — the liberty of believing it afterwards allowed, 305 — Calvin admits a-presence of the body of Jesus Christ in the Eucharist that is ineffable and miraculous, 372 — he admits a presence that is proper and peculiar to the Supper, 373 — he eludes the miracle of this presence after having confessed it, 377 — a passage of Calvin for a Real Presence independent of Faith, 386 — Vide Eucharist, Reality, Transubstantiation — Vide Vol. II.

Preservative. How Calvin's doctrine is explained in the book called " The Preservative," 383.

Pride of Calvin, 388.

Primacy of the Pope — Vide Pope.

Protestants. All Protestants look on Luther as their head, 22 — whence came the name of Protestants, 87 — their confederacy after the Diet of Augsburg, 137 — they despise the authority of Bishops and ecclesiastical discipline, 172 — their Reformation whereon grounded according to Melancthon, ib. — no Reformation of manners among Protestants, 177 — the Protestants of Germany favourable to the dispensation of Julius II., and to the first marriage of Henry VIII., 284 — remarks on the conformity of the sentiments of Protestants with the sentence of Clement VII., 285- — the Protestants of Germany vanquished by Charles V., 322 — what opinion Protestants had of the Calvinists, 387 — the Holy Fathers force respect from Protestants, though against their will, 391.

Prussia set all in commotion by Osiander, 325 — this country turns Lutheran, 326, 328.

Pstugius, Bishop of Naumburg, present at the Conference of Ratisbon, 323 — he puts the finishing stroke to the book of the Interim, ib. — he presides in the Conference of Worms, 336.

Purgatory. The Church's doctrine on Purgatory confirmed by Henry VIII., 270, 275 — retained for a while, then abolished under Edward VI., 320.

Puritans. What James I., King of England, said of the Puritans, 387.

INDEX. 429

Ratisbon. Conference of Ratisbon in 1541, and what passed at it, 323 — another Conference of Ratisbon in 1549, and what passed at it, 324.

Ratramnus. Ratramnus's Book puzzles Melancthon, 1G1 — what the dispute in Ratramnus's time, 1G2.

Reality. Luther had at the beginning a great mind to subvert the reality, from a very strange motive, 49 — the reality attacked by Carlostadius, 53, 56 — impugned by Zuinglius, 67 — strongly defended by Luther, 73 — Melancthon labours to place the reality during the time of the sole use of the Sacrament, 217 — Calvin makes vain efforts to keep up the idea of reality, 382 — he cannot satisfy the notion of reality impressed by our Lord's institution, ib. — the reality well expressed by the Prelates assembled at Poissy, 402 — Vide Eucharist, Real Presence, vide Vol. II.

Reformation of the Church desired more than an age ago, 18 — the Reformation that was desired touched only discipline, and not faith, 20 — two ways of desiring the Reformation of the Church, 21 — the Reformation of Protestants established by seditions and wars, 46 — the Reform makes two separate bodies in Germany by different Confessions of Faith, 90 — it is resolved in the new Reformation to take to arms, 137 — no Reformation of manners in the Protestant Church, 177, 199, 214, 343 — the causes of its progress, 171 — no authority in the Reformation to terminate their disputes, 327, 331, 339, 343 — Reformation in England, vide England : whether the progress of the Reformation be due to the reading of Scripture, and how, 288 — foundation of the Reform laid on the ruins of ecclesiastical authority, 295 — the Reformation under Edward began in England by Peter Martyr and Bernardin Ochin, 299 — all order subverted in the English Reformation, 304 — ■ whether any advantage can be drawn from the sudden progress of pretended Reformation, 306— the Reformation goes from" one excess to another, 334, 354 — vain discourses of the Bishop of Valence on the Reformation of manners, 403 — Vide Vol. II.

Reformers, or the heads of the Reformation, careful to secure themselves : Cranmer the only one among them that dies for this cause, 325.

Remission of sins— Vide Sin.

Rome, The Church of Rome praised and respected by Luther, 32.

Sacrament. In the Lutheran doctrine the Sacraments operate ex opere operato, 104 — what the Lutherans think of the seven Sacraments, 122 — equivocation of the Sacrament arians on the word Sacrament, 145 — the seven Sacraments retained by the English under Henry VIII., 275.

Sacramentarians. The beginning of the Sacramentarian war among the new reformed, 53— progress of the Sacramentarian doctrine, 69 — the Sacramentarian .party form themselves, ib. — the Sacramentarians prove to Luther that he admitted a kind of figure, 79 — the Sacramentarian dispute undermines the ground-work of the Reformation, 85 — Calvin owns it, ib. — the Sacramentarians offer to subscribe the Confession of Augsburg excepting the Supper-article, 90 — they are not more steady in explaining their Faith than the Lutherans, 95 — their equivocating on the Eucharist, 143 — they make words signify just what they please, and inure themselves to strain all kind of language, 67, 141, 147, 157, 102, 165 — in token of peace they celebrate the Supper with Luther, 157 — Luther's wrath again enkindles against them, 214 — Luther will not have the Sacramentarians any longer prayed for, and believes them irrevocably damned, 215.

Sacrifice. Luther's doctrine imports a Sacrifice, 226— Vide Mass, Vol. II.

430 INDEX.

Salvation. Certainty of salvation taught by Calvin, 356.

Satisfaction. Satisfactory works owned in the Apology for the Augsburg Confession, 113.

Saxony. The Saxonic Confession of Faith, why made, and by what author, 329 — how the Eucharistic article is there explained, 330 — other alterations made in this Confession, on the will of God touching sin, and the co-operation of free-will, ib. — a considerable article in the Saxonic Confession relating to the distinction of mortal and venial sins, 335.

Scripture. Luther boasts of understanding the Scripture better than ever any man had done, 72 — Luther owns that the Scripture is miraculously preserved in the Church of Rome, 131 — in what sense Henry VIII. permits the people to read Scripture, 288 — whether the progress of the Reformation be owing to reading of the Scripture, and how, ib. — how they impose on men by Scripture ill-interpreted, 289 — what the Holy Fathers have said of the manner of understanding Scripture, 291— Vide Vol. II.

Seditions. The first fruits of Luther's preaching, 46.

Semi-Pelagianism, favoured in the Confession of Augsburg, 103 — and by Melancthon, 332 — taught by the rest of the Lutherans, 351 — Vide Vol. II.

Sign. How the Eucharist is a sign, 145 — all the mysteries of Jesus Christ are signs in certain respects, 146 — Calvin is not content with receiving a sign in the Supper, 363.

Sin. Errors of the Zuinglians on original sin, 65 — the forgiveness of sins purely gratuitous, according to the Council of Trent, 105 — enumeration of sins retained in confession by the Lutherans, 122 — forgiveness of sins conserved in the Church of Rome by Luther's Confession, 131 — a considerable article in the Confession of Saxony on mortal and venial sins, 335.

Smalcald. The Lutherans labour to form the Smalcaldic Confederacy, 138 — the Assembly of Smalcald occasioned by the Council called by Paul III., 164 — Luther flies out against the Pope in the Articles of Smalcald, 166 — in the Assembly of Smalcald, Melancthon is of opinion that they should own the Council summoned by the Pope, 191.

Somerset (Duke of) begins the Reformation in England, 299 — whether this Duke had anything of shew of a Reformer, 307.

Song. Latin Song retained in the Lutheran Mass, 125.

Staphilus, Professor of Divinity at Koningsberg, 338 — his remarkable conversion, 339.

Strasburg. The Strasburg Confession of Faith, or of the four cities, 90 — equivocal terms of this Confession on the Article of the Supper, 94 — the Confession of Strasburg explains Justification in the same manner as the Church of Rome, 117 — they at the same time receive at Strasburg two contrary Confessions of Faith, 325 — Vide Vol. II.

Substance. Why this word is employed in the Eucharist, 100 — Vide Vol. II.

Swiss (The), are incensed against Luther, 149.

Theses (The) of Luther, to excite the Lutherans to take up arms, 321. Thomas Aquinas. Luther's odd doubt of the salvation of this Saint, 124. Thomas (St.), of Canterbury, razed out of the list of Saints by the

English, 318 — the behaviour tof this Saint quite different from that of Thomas Cranmer, ib. Thomas Cranmer — Vide Cranmer. Thomas Cromwell — Vide Cromwell.

INDEX. 431

Thomas More — Vide More.

Thomas Muncer — Vide Muncer.

Tournon (Cardinal of), Archbishop of Lyons, presides in the Conference of Poissy, 397.

Transubstantiation attacked by Luther, 49 — Variation of Luther on Transubstantiation, ib. 84 — it follows from his expressions, 50, 165 — and from that of Melancthon in the Apology, 220 — Transubstantiation destroys not the Sacrament, 80 — why the name of bread retained, 81 —why the Church makes use of the word Transubstantiation, 101 — Transubstantiation.according to the Zuinglians,is established by Luther's doctrine, 76 — and according to the Divines of Leipsic and Wittemberg, 224 — the doctrine of Transubstantiation confirmed by Henry VIIL, 275 — and abolished under Edward VL, 305— Vide Vol. II.

Turk. Luther's strange doctrine about war against the Turk, 31.

Ubiquity, taught by Luther, 83 — maintained by Illyricus and his friends, 339 — the question of Ubiquity causes Melancthon to incline towards the Sacramentarians, 339 — Ubiquity, after Melancthon's death, established throughout almost all Lutheranism, 342 — Ubiquity rejected by the Calvinists, 345— Vide Vol. II.

Unworthy. The Communion of the unworthy how real according to Calvin, 373 — how the unworthy receive the body of Jesus Christ without receiving the spirit of it, 377.

Variations of Luther on Transubstantiation, 50, 84 — Variation of the tenth Article of the Augsburg Confession, 91 — the Lutherans' evasion with respect to these Variations, 95 — their Variations in what they have lopped from the Confession of Augsburg, 108 — Variation of the Sacramentarians how astonishing, 90 — Variations in the Acts of the Calvinists, 392 — Vide all the other titles, vide Vol. II.

War. Luther and the Lutherans confess that it is not lawful for them to make war, 42,56,57, 137, 198— they recant, 35, 85, 137, 199,321 — Vide League, vide Vol. II.

Westphalus, a famous Lutheran, teaches Ubiquity, 339.

Wirtemberg. The Confession of Faith of Wirtemberg, why made, and by what authors, 329 — the Article of the Eucharist is there otherwise couched than in that of Augsburg, 331 — the merit of good works is there confessed, 335.

Wittemberg. Agreement of Wittemberg, and its six Articles, 152 — issue of this agreement, 156 — the Divines of Wittemberg own that there is no avoiding the Sacrifice, Transubstantiation, and Adoration, otherwise than by changing Luther's doctrine, 224 — the Divines of Wittemberg change Luther's doctrine immediately after his death, 226 — the Lutherans unable to answer the arguments of the Divines of Wittember<>-, ib. — the Divines of Wittemberg come back to Luther's sentiments, and why, 227.

Works. Satisfactory works owned in the Apology of the Augsburg Confession, 113— the merit of good works, vide Merit. — The necessity of good works, in order to salvation, condemned by the Lutherans, 337.

Worms. The Conferences of Worms, in order to reconcile both religions 336 — Assembly at Worms in 1557, whither the Reformed Churches of France and Geneva send Beza and Farel, 393.

Zuinglius, his character and doctrine on the salvation of Heathens, 63, 64

432 INDEX.

— his errors on original sin, G5 — his errors on baptism, C7 — he forces the Scripture in everything, ib. — his contempt of antiquity, ib. — he writes against the Real Presence, 70 — he takes from the Eucharist all that raises it above the senses, ib. — a Spirit appears to him, and suggests that text to him where the sign of the Institution received immediately the name of the thing, 71 — why Zuinglius is worse handled by Luther than the rest of the Sacramentarians, 72 — Zuinglius preaches the Reformation in Switzerland, 73 — he is present at the Conference of Marpurg, where he confers with Luther, 87 — he sends his Confession of Faith to the Emperor, 89, 90 — his Confession of Faith free from equivocations, 99 — what a presence of the body of Jesus Christ he acknowledges in the Supper, ib. — Zuinglius' s death in battle, 141.

Zuinglians prove to Luther that the Catholics understand the literal sense better than he, 77 — a whole synod of Zuinglians in Poland assert the same truth, 78 — they prove to Luther that he admits a kind of figurative sense, 79 — they will not hear a miracle or omnipotence spoken of in the Eucharist, 158 — they reprove Luther for having always the Devil in his mouth, and call him madman, 216 — Luther's last sentiments concerning the Zuinglians, 228 — Zuinglianism gains ground in England, 299 — the Zuinglians are condemned by the Lutherans, 342 — their scoffs at the Confession of Augsburg, 344.

Zurich. The Mass abolished at Zurich, 71 — those of Zurich laugh at Bucer's equivocations, 157 — Calvin makes an agreement with those of Zurich, 361.

END OF THE FIRST VOLUME.

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Sup.l. iii. n.38. InstiU 1. 3. 2. n. 1G. &c. 24. c. Aiitid. Con.Trid. in Sass. vi. cap. 13, 14. opusc. p. 185. f Synt. Gen. part ii." pp. 149, 156. ↩
Inst. iv. xv, n. 22. xvi. 3, &c. 9. Gen. xvii. 7. Dom. 50. ↩
Ant. Conc.Trid. in Sess. 6, c. 16. opusc. p. 288. ↩
£on. Tigur. et Geoev. Art. 17, 20. opusc. Cal. p. 754. 1! >sp. An, 1554. ↩
Tract, de Coen. Dom. opusc. p. 1. ↩
Ep. ad Must. Princ. Germ. p. 324. ↩
Matt. xxvi. 26, 28 ; Luke xxii. 29 ; 1 Cor. xi. 24. ↩
Mark v. 30, 31. Luke viii. 45, 46. ↩
Instit. lib, iv. c. 17. n, 17, &c. Diluc. Expos. Adm. cont.Westp, int, opusc, &c. ↩
TV. de Coen. Domini. 1540. Int. opusc. Inst. iv. xvi. 18, &c. &c. Diluc. Exp. opusc. 840. Ibid. Biev. Admon. de Cotna Domini int. Ep. p. 594. ↩
Dim. 51, 52, 53. Conf.xxxvi. f 2. Del', cont. Westph. p. 770. ↩
Cat. Dim. 52. ↩
Inst. lib. iv. c. 17. n. 1 1, 14. Catech. Dim. 53. Sup. lib. n. 23. Lib. iv. c. 34. ↩
Inst. iv. c. 17. n. 16,17. Diluc. Exp. sanaedoct. opusc. p. 839. Ibid. p. 844. t Ibid. $ Inst, et Opusc. p. 777, etseq. pp. 839, 844, etc. ↩
Inst. iv. 17, 32. t Art. 3G. % Dim. 53. ↩
Inst. ibid. n. 33. t Aug. Serm. xi. de verb. Dom. ↩
Diluc. Exp. opusc. p. 848. f fnsf. fib. iv. c. 17, n. 33. ↩
Diluc. Exp. opuse. p. 859. t Inst. iv. xvii. n. 33. Ep. ad Mart. Schal. p. 247. ↩
2 Defens. opusc. p. 773. 1' Uiluc. Exp. optisc. 845. ↩
Dim. 53. ↩
Dilue. Exp. opusc. p. 858. t Ibid. p. 861. ↩
Aumon. ult. ad Westph. opusc. p. 812. f 3 Dcf. opusc. p. 781, etc.: pp. 812,813,818, etc. J ↩
Diluc. Expos, opusc. p. 864. f Inst. lib. iv. c. xvii. ti. 11. ↩
Preserv. p. 193. t Ibid. p. 196. ↩
Dim. 52. Preserv. p. 197. -f- Preserv, Ibid. p. 194. ↩
Inst.iv. p. 17, n. 16. ↩
Ep. Calv. p. 195. f Resp. ad Bald. int. opusc. Calv. p. 370. ↩
2 Def. ad Westp. opusc. 788. ↩
2 Def. cont. Westph. opusc. 8-12. t 2 Def. 701. ↩
Opusc.p.799. Ibid. pp. 803, 837. f Diluc. Expos. Ibid. p. 839. ↩
Opusc. 838. f Tr. rle Ref. Keel. ↩
Opusc, Cal. 752. Hosp. An. 1554. Art. xxii. xxiii. ↩
Hosp. ad. 1557. f. 252. ↩
Hosp. ad An. 1561. Bez. Hist. Eccl. 1. iv. La Poplin. 1. vii, Thuan. I. xxviii. ↩
Ep. Bez ad. Calv. inter. Ep. Calv. p. 330. f Thuan. xxviii. 48, ↩
Bez. Hist. Ecc. 1. iv. p. 611—614. La Popliu, 1. vii. ↩
Hist. Eccl. 1. iv. p. 611— G14. f V. S. lib. vii. n. 7. ↩
Ep. Bez. ad Calv. inter Cal. Ep. pp. 346, 347. ↩
Ep.p. 342. ↩
Ep. p. 324. f Syn. Gen. part ii. pp. 141, 112. ↩
Ep. p. 319. 2. Def. Ult. Adm. ad Westp. ↩

Chapter 11 of 18

Book IX

Footnotes