Lecture 3 — What must be treated. Opinions of Democritus and Leucippus.

We have therefore to discuss the whole subject of 'unqualified' coming-to-be and passing-away; we have to inquire whether these changes do or do not occur and, if they occur, to explain the precise conditions of their occurrence. We must also discuss the remaining forms of change, viz. growth and 'alteration'.

For though, no doubt, Plato investigated the conditions under which things come-to-be and pass-away, he confined his inquiry to these changes; and he discussed not all coming-to-be, but only that of the elements. He asked no questions as to how flesh or bones, or any of the other similar compound things, come-to-be; nor again did he examine the conditions under which 'alteration' or growth are attributable to things. A similar criticism applies to all our predecessors with the single exception of Democritus. Not one of them penetrated below the surface or made a thorough examination of a single one of the problems. Democritus, however, does seem not only to have thought carefully about all the problems, but also to be distinguished from the outset by his method. For, as we are saying, none of the other philosophers made any definite statement about growth, except such as any amateur might have made. They said that things grow 'by the accession of like to like', but they did not proceed to explain the manner of this accession. Nor did they give any account of 'combination': and they neglected almost every single one of the remaining problems, offering no explanation, e.g. of 'action' or 'passion' how in physical actions one thing acts and the other undergoes action.

Democritus and Leucippus, however, postulate the 'figures', and make 'alteration' and coming-to-be result from them. They explain coming-to-be and passing-away by their 'dissociation' and 'association', but 'alteration' by their 'grouping' and 'Position'.

And since they thought that the 'truth lay in the appearance, and the appearances are conflicting and infinitely many, they made the 'figures' infinite in number. Hence—owing to the changes of the compound—the same thing seems different and conflicting to different people: it is 'transposed' by a small additional ingredient, and appears utterly other by the 'transposition' of a single constituent. For Tragedy and Comedy are both composed of the same letters.

Since almost all our predecessors think that coming-to-be is distinct from 'alteration', and that, whereas things 'alter' by change of their qualities, it is by 'association' and 'dissociation' that they come-to-be and pass-away, we must concentrate our attention on these theses. For they lead to many perplexing and well-grounded dilemmas. If, on the one hand, coming-to-be is 'association', many impossible consequences result: and yet there are other arguments, not easy to unravel, which force the conclusion upon us that coming-to-be cannot possibly be anything else. If, on the other hand, coming-to-be is not 'association', either there is no such thing as coming-to-be at all or it is 'alteration': or else we must endeavour to unravel this dilemma too—and a stubborn one we shall find it.

The fundamental question, in dealing with all these difficulties, is this: 'Do things come-to-be and "alter" and grow, and undergo the contrary changes, because the primary "reals" are indivisible magnitudes? Or is no magnitude indivisible?' For the answer we give to this question makes the greatest difference. And again, if the primary 'reals' are indivisible magnitudes, are these bodies, as Democritus and Leucippus maintain? Or are they planes, as is asserted in the Timaeus?

To resolve bodies into planes and no further—this, as we have also remarked elsewhere, is itself a paradox. Hence there is more to be said for the view that there are indivisible bodies. Yet even these involve much of paradox. Still, as we have said, it is possible to construct 'alteration' and coming-to-be with them, if one 'transposes' the same by 'turning' and 'intercontact', and by 'the varieties of the figures', as Democritus does. (His denial of the reality of colour is a corollary from this position: for, according to him, things get coloured by 'turning' of the 'figures'.) But the possibility of such a construction no longer exists for those who divide bodies into planes. For nothing except solids results from putting planes together: they do not even attempt to generate any quality from them.

Lack of experience diminishes our power of taking a comprehensive view of the admitted facts. Hence those who dwell in intimate association with nature and its phenomena grow more and more able to formulate, as the foundations of their theories, principles such as to admit of a wide and coherent development: while those whom devotion to abstract discussions has rendered unobservant of the facts are too ready to dogmatize on the basis of a few observations. The rival treatments of the subject now before us will serve to illustrate how great is the difference between a 'scientific' and a 'dialectical' method of inquiry. For, whereas the Platonists argue that there must be atomic magnitudes 'because otherwise "The Triangle" will be more than one', Democritus would appear to have been convinced by arguments appropriate to the subject, i.e. drawn from the science of nature. Our meaning will become clear as we proceed.

18. After giving the opinions of the ancient philosophers concerning the difference between generation and alteration, the Philosopher here begins to determine about generation and alteration and the other motions. Concerning this he does two things:

first, he states his intention;

second, he begins to carry it out, at Democritus and Leucippus (315b6; [20]).

As to the first he does two things:

first, he states his intention;

second, he gives the reason for his intention, at for though, no doubt (315a29; [19]).

He says therefore first (315a26) that because the early philosophers doubted about the difference between generation and alteration, it is necessary for us to speak in a general way about simple generation and corruption, i.e., according to which something is said to be generated and corrupted absolutely, and to determine whether absolute generation exists or not. For according to those who declare that generation differs from alteration, absolute generation does not exist, but not for those who deny a difference between them. Moreover, if absolute generation does exist, we must explain how. And the same questions must be answered for the other motions that are in a certain way ordained to simple generation, such as alteration and growth, as was said above.

19. Then, at for though, no doubt (315a29), he assigns as the reason for his intention the fact that other philosophers have not adequately treated this matter. And he says that Plato investigated only the question of how generation and corruption occur in things, but in doing so he limited himself to generation of the elements and did not treat of how flesh and bones or any of the other mixed [i.e., composite] bodies are generated. Moreover, he neglected to discuss how alteration and growth exist in things. And in general, none of the other philosophers definitively stated anything except those things which appear on the surface—except Democritus, who seems to have been concerned to inquire diligently into every thing. But the basic difference is in the inquiry—none did so adequately. For none of them, neither he [Democritus], nor any other, said anything about growth, as to what it was, that any uneducated person could not have said, namely, that growth takes place by something akin to the original being added to it. But how something is increased by the addition of that which is similar, they did not say. Neither did they say anything of mixtures, nor of any of the similar things, so to speak—for example, of acting and being acted upon, namely, as to how, in terms of natural operation, this acts and that is acted upon.

20. Then, at Democritus and Leucippus (315b6), he begins to execute his plan.

First, he determines about generation and alteration, since they should be studied together;

second, about growth, at but we have still to treat (320a8; [82]).

About the first he does two things:

first, he gives other's opinions about generation and alteration;

second, he decides about them according to his own opinion, at now that we have established (317a32; [42]).

As to the first he does two things:

first, he states the opinion of Democritus, who had a concern for everything;

second, he examines the truth of his statements, at since almost all our predecessors (315b15; [22]).

About the first he does two things:

first, he states Democritus' opinion;

second, he presents Democritus' argument, at and since they thought (315b9; [21]).

He says therefore first (315b6) that Democritus and Leucippus, who constituted the principles of things out of indivisible bodies of infinite shapes, used them as causes of generation and alteration. For they said that through the aggregation and separation of such figured bodies generation and corruption were caused; while it was through a change in the order and position of the aforesaid bodies that alteration was caused.

21. Then, at and since they thought (315b9), he gives the reason for the aforesaid position. And the better to under this, it should be noted that, as the Philosopher says in Metaph. IV, some of the early philosophers made truth to be in the way things appear, namely, as a thing appeared to someone, so was its truth—even to the point of holding contradictories to be simultaneously true, if both sides seem so to different persons.

So what the Philosopher says is that, because Democritus and Leucippus assumed that the true consists in appearance, and to different men contrary and infinite things appear, as the variety of opinions among men indicates, they therefore were led to posit infinite shapes in the first principles of things, in order to have an explanation for these infinite opinions. Consequently, any variation affecting something contributing to the composition of some whole, results in the same appearing one way to one and in a contrary way to another—just as, from different vantage points, the color of a dove's neck seems to vary. Such a change of position or order is due to something slight that intervenes. Indeed, to state the matter generally, as one of these indivisible bodies changes [its position and order], the appearance of a thing changes.

He gives an example of this in words, whose first indivisible principles are letters: by using the same letters and merely varying their order and position, different verbal compositions are produced, e.g., a comedy, concerned with pleasant things, and a tragedy, concerned with wars. This, then, is the reason why Democritus held that alteration is caused by a variation of order and position.

22. Then, at since almost all our predecessors (315b15), he investigates the truth of this opinion.

First, he shows the difficulties inherent in such an investigation;

second, he begins to inquire into the truth, at the fundamental question (315b24; [23]).

He says therefore first (315b15) that by this time the opinions of the first natural philosophers who identified generation and alteration, were almost entirely abolished, and nearly everyone seemed to agree that generation is different from alteration (generation and corruption deriving from association and disassociation, while alteration arose when, by a change of certain things, diverse passions were caused). One must, then, consider these matters in order to arrive at the truth. But they involve many problems, and ones challenging reason. For, if generation is nothing more than association, many impossibilities follow, as will be plain below. On the other hand, there are found other arguments, which appear cogent and not easy to answer, for holding that generation is not different from association, concluding that, if generation is not admitted to be association, then either there is no generation at all, or if there is, it is identical with alteration. Now even though it is difficult to solve this problem, we ought to attempt it.

23. Then, at the fundamental question (315b24), he proceeds to solve the difficulty.

First, he prefaces two questions that are necessary in solving the aforesaid difficulty;

second, he tackles them, at to resolve bodies into planes (315b30).

He says therefore first (315b24) that the starting point in solving all the aforesaid must be first of all an inquiry into whether natural beings are so generated and altered and augmented and moved by contrary motions, as to require certain primary indivisible magnitudes; or whether there is no indivisible magnitude. The answer to this is most important. Second, one must inquire whether, if there be indivisible magnitudes, they are bodies, as Democritus and Leucippus would have it, or are "planes," i.e., surfaces, as Plato set down in the Timaeus.

24. Then, at to resolve bodies into planes (315b30), he pursues the aforesaid questions.

First, he pursues the second, which he covers more briefly;

second, he tackles the first, at or to suppose that a body, at for to suppose that a body (316a14).

As to the first he does two things:

First, he shows that as far as natural science is concerned Democritus' position is more fitting than Plato's;

second, he tells why, at lack of experience (316a5).

He says therefore first (315b30) that, as was said in On the Heavens III, to resolve bodies into surfaces is unfitting even in itself. Consequently, it is more reasonable, if there should be certain indivisible magnitudes out of which natural bodies are composed, that these magnitudes be bodies rather than surfaces — although even this involves great irrationality, namely, that there be certain indivisible bodies, out of which natural bodies would be composed, as was shown in part in the book On the Heavens and as will be shown in part below. Nevertheless it is more reasonable to posit indivisible bodies rather than surfaces, because those who posit indivisible bodies as the principles of natural bodies do assign a cause of generation and alteration, which alteration, as has been said, transmutes some one and the same thing by a certain "turning" of the indivisible bodies and by some manner of contact according to different positions and orders, and also according to a difference of shapes, as Democritus posited in assigning the cause of alteration. Hence Democritus posited that color and other such natural qualities are not something with a fixed existence in nature, but that a thing appears to be colored through a certain turning, i.e., through a certain variation of the indivisible bodies according to order and position. For it is plain that certain things appear to us whose appearance is produced by some sort of reflection according to a certain order and position—for example, the form that appears in a mirror, or the colors of a rainbow, and so on. Democritus supposed that all the forms and qualities of natural things to be of that nature. According to this and in the light of his principles, he explained every variety of alteration in terms of differences in position and order.

But the Platonists, who resolved bodies into planes, were unable to assign a cause for any change in form, for when planes are united one to the other, nothing but solids can reasonably result. Seeing that points, lines and pure planes are mathematical things, they cannot of themselves cause any natural quality. Consequently, just as from points only a line results and from lines a surface, so from surfaces the only thing that can be caused is a body. But not even the Platonists try to explain, by a mingling of surfaces, the cause of any natural quality.

25. Then, at lack of experience (316a5), he shows why Plato failed more than Democritus in this matter. And he says that the reason why Plato could not see confessed things, i.e., things plain to all, was lack of experience; for, being intent on speculation, he did not turn his attention to sensible things, which are the basis of experience. Consequently, those philosophers who paid more attention to sensible and natural things were better able to discover principles to which they could adapt many facts of sense observation. But the Platonists who were untaught with respect to existents, i.e., natural and sensible things, and considered solely the few sensible things that came their way, from many discourses or arguments, i.e., from many things they considered by reason on universal plane, facilely enunciate, i.e., offer a judgment on sensible things without a diligent examination.

The matter at hand affords us an opportunity to consider the difference between seeking the truth physically, i.e., naturally, by examining natural things, as Democritus did, and seeking it logically, i.e., by reason, attending to common reasons, as the Platonists did. For, in order to prove that some magnitudes are indivisible, the Platonists, proceeding logically, say that otherwise it would follow that the autotrigonum, i.e., the per se triangle, that is, the idea of triangle, will be manifold, i.e., divided into many triangles, which is unallowable. For Plato postulated that, of all sensible things, there were certain separated ideas, for example, of man and horse and so on. These ideas he called "per se man" and "per se horse," since, logically speaking, man, as a species, is something over and above material and individual principles, and thus, the "idea" contains nothing but what pertains to the notion of the species. And for the same reason he posited this in figures. Thus he posited the "idea" of sensible triangles, here called the autotrigonum, to be indivisible—otherwise it would follow that it would be divided into many, which is contrary to the notion of idea, which requires that it be one existing outside the many. Thus it is not unacceptable for there to be many indivisible triangular surfaces conforming to the idea; and the same is true of other surfaces.

But Democritus is seen to argue for indivisible magnitudes, using proper and natural reasons, as will be plain in what follows.